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HAROLD DWIGHT LASSWELL
February 13, 1902-December 1S, 197S
BY GABRIEL A. ALMOND
HA R O ~ D D . ~ A S S W E ~ ~ ranks among the half dozen cre-
ative innovators in the social sciences in the twentieth
century. Few wouIct question that he was the most original
and productive political scientist of his time. While still in his
twenties and early thirties, he planned and carrie(1 out a re-
search program demonstrating the importance of personal-
ity, social structure, ant! culture in the explanation of political
phenomena. In the course of that work he employecI an array
of methodologies that includect clinical and other kinds
of interviewing, content analysis, pare-experimental tech-
niques, and statistical measurement. It is noteworthy that two
decacles were to elapse before this kinct of research program
and methodology became the common property of a disci-
pline that until then had been dominatecl by historical, legal,
and philosophical methods.
Lasswell was born in 1902 in DonnelIson, Illinois (popu-
lation cat 3001. His father was a Presbyterian clergyman, his
mother, a teacher; an oIcler brother diecl in childhood. His
early family life was spent in small towns in Illinois anct In-
cliana as his father moved from one pulpit to another, and it
stressed intellectual and religious values. Although the re-
gional milieu of his chilclhoo(1 anct adolescence might suggest
that Lasswell was raised in an intellectual backwater, in.fact
249
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250
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
it was an unusually rich environment. He was especially in-
fluencec! in aclolescence by a physician uncle who was familiar
with the works of Freucl; by an English teacher in the Deca-
tur, Illinois, high school he attendect who introduced him to
Karl Marx and Havelock Ellis; and by a brilliant young
teacher of high school civics, William Cornell Casey, who later
became a professor of sociology at Barnard College in Co-
lumbia University. He excelled in high school, edited the
school newspaper, gave the valectictory address at graclua-
tion, and was awarclect a scholarship to the University of Chi-
cago after winning a competitive examination in modern his-
tory and English.
When Lasswell entered the University of Chicago in
.
19 ~ ~—at age sixteen the university was in the third decade
of its remarkable growth. At a time when sociology as a cur-
r~culum diet not yet exist at most universities, Chicago had a
major department that was staffed by such giftec} theorists
and researchers as W. I. Thomas, Albion W. Small, and Rob-
ert Park. Its philosophy department was dominated by real-
ists ant] empiricists such as James Tufts and George Herbert
Mead. Its economics department, in which l~asswell majored,
included Jacob Viner, John M. Clark, Harry Alvin Millis, and
Chester Wright. Its political science department was soon to
begin its dramatic rise, but in Lasswell's undergracluate years
the department was in transition with Henry Pratt {udson
soon to retire, and Charles Edward Merriam in the wings.
Lasswell was a member of a graduate cohort that incluclecl
Robert Redfield, Louis Wirth, and Herbert Blumer.
His graduate years in the Department of Political Science
at Chicago coincided with the publication of Merriam's man-
if esto, The Present State of the Study of Politics, in ~ 92 ~ and with
Merriam's and Gosnell's survey study of nonvoting in Chicago
(19241. In The Present State, Merriam proposed that two steps
be taken to make the study of politics more scientific: (~) the
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HAROLD DWIGHT LASSWELL
251
exploration of the psychological and sociological bases of po-
litical behavior, and (2) the introduction of quantification in
the analysis of political phenomena. The nonvoting study was
a demonstration of the uses of social-psychological hypoth-
eses and quantitative methods in the explanation of political
phenomena. It was a survey of the "political motives" of some
6,000 nonvoters in the Chicago mayoral election of 1923;
individuals to be surveyed were selectee! by a "quota control"
sampling procedure that was intenclec! to match the census
demographic distributions. In the immediate aftermath of
this stucly and during Lasswell's graduate student (lays, Har-
oIct Foote Gosnel1 (then a first-term assistant professor of po-
litical science) conducted! the first experimental study in po-
litical science and what may very well have been the first
experimental study in the social sciences outside of psychol-
ogy. This was a survey of the effects on voting of a nonpar-
tisan mad! canvass in Chicago that was intended to get out the
vote in the national and local elections of 1924 and 1925.
The experimental technique Gosnell devisect was quite rig-
orous: there were carefully matched experimental and con-
troi groups, clifferent stimuli were employed, anct the results
were analyzed with the most sophisticated statistical tech-
niques then available. Reflecting the programmatic and com-
parative vision of these researches, follow-up studies of vot-
ing turnout were made by Gosnel1 in Britain, France,
Germany, Belgium, and Switzerland.
While Harolc! Gosnel1 was chosen by Merriam to develop
the statistical component of his early 1920s vision, it was Har-
old Lasswel1 who was encourages! to develop the clinical, psy-
chological, anct sociological components. As a young gradu-
ate student, Lasswel1 published an article in 1923 entitled
"Chicago's Old First Ward," and in collaboration with Mer-
~ National Municipal Review, 1 2: 1 27-3 1.
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252
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
riam he publisher! another in 1924 on public opinion ancT
public utility regulation.2
Merriam threw out two challenges to the brilliant and am-
bitious young political scientist. The first came out of Mer-
riam's wartime experience as chief American propagandist in
Rome; the seconc! arose from Merriam's interest in the char-
acteristics of political leaders anct the uses of the stucly of the
abnormal anct the psychopathological in explaining normal
and typical behavior. Merriam's first interest the impor-
tance of morale, propaganda, and civic training in the expla-
nation of political behavior led to Lasswell's 1927 cloctoral
dissertation, Propaganda Technique in the World War, and ulti-
mately to his invention of systematic content analysis anc! its
uses in WorIc! War Il. Merriam's seconct interest—the psy-
chological and personality aspects of leaclership and the uses
of the abnormal in the explanation of the normal—lect to a
series of articles by Lasswell on political psychology and per-
sonality in politics, culminating in his Psychopathology anal Pol-
itics.
Lasswell's doctoral dissertation on propaganda in the
1914-1918 war was a systematic effort to place World War
propaganda experience in the context of a theory of politics.
Although there was something of antiwar muckraking in its
tone, it also tract the marks of rigorous scholarship: careful
operational clefinitions, specification of the techniques of
propaganda, and the conditions that limit or facilitate their
effectiveness. Lasswell tract done fielct research in Europe for
this stucly, interviewing scholars and governmental officials
regarding aspects of the propaganda experience a-cl the
Great War. He also anticipated his later invention of content
analysis in a simple quantitative study "Prussian School-
2 "Current Public Opinion and the Public Service Commissions," in: Public Utility
Regulation, ed. M. L. Cooke (New York: Ronald Press, 1924).
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HAROLD DWIGHT LASSWELL
253
books and International Amity" which was carrier] out in
connection with his dissertation. (In the study Lasswell
counted ant! evaluated the significance of the references to
national superiority, military glory, foreign inferiority, mili-
tary heroes, and the like in textbooks approved by the Prus-
sian Ministry of Education after the establishment of the
Weimar Republic.~3
Lasswell was appointed assistant professor of political sci-
ence at Chicago in 1926 and soon embarked on researches
in political psychology. Papers that he published from 1925
to 1929 showed him to be engaged in a search of the litera-
ture concerned with political psychology and political per-
sonality. One paper published in the American fournal of
Psychiatry in 1929 recommended that psychiatrists keep ade-
quate personality records ant! make them available to bona
fide researchers; another published in the American Political
Science Review the same year argued the case for the use of
cIata on mentally ill persons with some involvement in politics
as one approach to the analysis of the relationship between
personality ant! politics. This literature search and his con-
cern with the improvement of psychiatric recor~keeping
were incidental to the preparation and publication of Lass-
well's extraordinary book, Psychopathology and Politics, which
appeared in 1930 when he was twenty-eight.
I,asswell's work in preparing the book was extensive. He
had been grantee! a postdoctoral fellowship by the Social Sci-
ence Research Council for 1927-1928 and spent most of that
year in Berlin undergoing psychoanalysis at the hands of
Theoclor Reik, a student of FreucI. There is a report that he
made a presentation at a Freud seminar urging that psychi-
atric records be kept in order to facilitate research. He also
3"Prussian Schoolbooks and International Amity," Journal of Social Forces,
3(1925):718-22.
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254
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
discussed these ideas with leading psychiatrists in Vienna and
Berlin. In late 1928 and 1929 he consulted with the psychi-
atric directors of the most important mental institutions on
the eastern seaboard, tapping their memories of cases of pol-
itician patients. With their permission he examined psychi-
atric records at St. Elizabeth's in Washington, D.C.; Sheppard
and Enoch Pratt Hospital near Baltimore; Pennsylvania State
Hospital in Philadelphia; Bloomingdale Hospital of White
Plains, New York; and Boston Psychopathic Hospital. He also
gave depth psychiatric interviews to a number of "normal"
volunteers.
Psychopathology and Politics was the first relatively system-
atic, empirical study of the psychological aspects of political
behavior, and it coincided with the very beginnings of the
culture and personality movement in anthropology and psy-
chiatry. l~asswell was already in communication with anthro-
pologist Edward Sapir, then a colleague at the University of
Chicago, as well as with the New York psychiatrist Harry
Stack Sullivan. The three of them began to plan an ambitious
program of culture and personality research in the middle
and late 1920s. Margaret Mead's Coming of Age in Samoa ap-
peared two years before Psychopathology and Politics, and Ruth
Benedict's Patterns of Culture appeared four years later. The
first publication of the authoritarian personality research of
the Frankfurt School- Studien uber Autoritat und Familie ap-
peared in 1936, and the Authoritarian Personality of Adorno,
Frenkel-Brunswick, Daniel Levinson, and Nevitt Sanford
only appeared in 1950.
Chapters 6 through 9 of Psychopathology and Politics report
Lasswell's case materials. These are not and are not repre-
sented as being findings or scientific explanations of political
behavior. They are presented as clinically supported hypoth-
eses regarding the personality-etiologicall bases of recruit-
ment to different kinds of political roles and attitudes. Thus
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HAROLD DWIGHT LASSWELL
255
Lasswell draws on clinical material anct his own depth inter-
views to suggest why some inclivicluals become agitators anct
others become administrators. Similarly he illuminates the
relationship between personality variables and ideological
propensities such as ultrapatriotism, internationalism, paci-
fism, socialism, and anarchism.
The rest of the book clears with methoclological anct theo-
retical issues. Among the methoclological issues he treats are
the uses of life histories in political science; the uses of the
study of the deviant or the abnormal for the unclerstanding
of the normal; the dimensions used in typologies of politi-
cians, the prolonged, "depth," or psychoanalytic interview as
a mocle of research in the psychological bases of social be-
havior; ant! the technique of free association as a methoc! of
getting data on politically relevant feelings and attitudes. He
also presents a general theory of political behavior derived
from a review of the various propositions of the psychoana-
{ytic movement. This proposition, presented in the form of
an equation, recluces political behavior in the sense of
choice of political roles and ideologies to (displacements of
private, essentially "Oedipal" ant! "libidinal" motives as ra-
tionalizec! in terms of political ideas ant! issues. It is a matter
of some contention among Lasswell students as to whether
this equation was literally intenclec! or was a rhetorical exag-
geration to draw attention to the importance of psychological
motivation in the explanation of political phenomena. Sup-
porting the reductionist position is the fact that the Freudian
movement at this time took a similarly reductionist stanct in
the explanation of social, political, and aesthetic phenomena.
Supporting the rhetorical interpretation is the fact that in
this as in later work, Lasswell interprets unconscious oeclipal
and libiclinal tendencies as powerful constraints on rational,
object-oriented behavior, constraints that can be mitigates! by
psychotherapy. This was to be a theme of Lasswell's entire
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256
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
intellectual career; that professional political science had the
obligation of discovering or inventing a "politics of preven-
tion" of war and other evils; that there was a "commonwealth
of human dignity" to which it ought to aspire; and that both
of these required substantial psychotherapeutic inputs.
This dualism and ambivalence of reductionism and thera-
peutic optimism in some sense characterized the three prin-
ciple influences on Lasswell's thought; the Presbyterianism of
his family and childhood background, which deals with the
question of how good may be wrested from an intractable
evil; the Marxist-sociological background, which deals with
the necessarily revolutionary confrontation of the traditional
and reactionary with progressive forces; and the Freudian-
psychoanalytic background, which deals with the confronta-
tion of neurosis with psychotherapy. Lasswell's later contri-
butions to political psychology took the constraint rather than
the reductionist perspective. It is of interest that in an "Af-
terthoughts" he wrote for the 1960 edition of Psychopathology
and Politics, he makes no reference to his equation; instead
he tells us that at the time of writing the book he already
shared in a revisionist ego-psychology trend, a movement in
psychoanalysis that affirmed the importance of rational and
. ~
cognitive processes.
In addition to the empirical and methodological parts,
Psychopathology and Politics included a theoretical or meta-
methodological part. Chapters 12 and 13 "The Personality
System and Its Substantive Reactions" and "The State as a
Manifold of Events" presented Lasswell's framework of po-
litically relevant variables and a strategy of political expla-
nation, which moves from intrapsychic processes anc! their
etiology, to interpersonal and social processes, to domestic
and international political processes, and back again. Person-
ality, economy, society, and politics are considered and dealt
with as interacting systems.
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HAROLD DWIGHT LASSWELL
257
What Lasswell presented as a theoretical framework and
set of hypotheses in Psychopathology and Politics became his
research program cluring the clecacle of the 1930s. Consider
the intellectual balls he was juggling during these years.
For the psychiatrists whom he had been urging to keep
records of their interviews in the interest of scientific re-
search, he set up a mocle! laboratory in his own offices in the
Social Science Research Building at the University of Chi-
cago. AdvisecI and encouraged by psychiatrists Harry Stack
Sullivan of Sheppard and Enoch Pratt Hospital and William
A. White of St. Elizabeth's, he devised a procedure under
which skin conductivity, pulse rate, respiration, and body
movements of experimental subjects were measured as the
spoken word was recorded. Three articles describing this
procedure and reporting preliminary results appeared in
psychoanalytic journals in 1935, 1936, and 1937. Unfortu-
nately these research records were clestroyec! in 1938 in an
accident that befell the vans moving Lasswell's effects to
Washington on his departure from Chicago. This project, if
not the first, was certainly one of the earliest efforts to link
physiological, autonomic, ant] behavioral variables with com-
munications and personality processes.
If this laboratory research was an effort to implement the
methoclological message of Psychopathology and Politics, then
World Politics and Personal Insecurity (1934) was an elaboration
of the theoretical perspectives spelled out in the final chap-
ters of Psychopathology and Politics. Lasswell callecl his approach
to political explanation nonfigurative analysis. In nonfigurative
analysis the political process is definect as conflict over the
definition ant! distribution of the dominant social values-
income, deference, and safety by and among elites. In his
first paragraph he proposes the formula long associated with
his name: "Politics is the study of who gets what, when, and
how." Political science research hence requires the analysis of
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258
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
the social origins, skills, personal traits, attitudes, values, anc!
assets of florid elites, ant! their changes over time. Proper
understancting of political processes calls for a combination
of equilibrium and developmental analysis and the adoption
of contemplative and manipulative attitudes towarc! political
change. Equilibrium analysis emphasizes the systemic, the re-
current, the stable interaction of economic, social, political,
and personality variables; developmental analysis stresses the
clynamic, the dialectical and transformative aspects of social
change. The contemplative attitude contributes to the dis-
covery of "regularities," "laws," principles of social behavior.
The manipulative attitude subjects these regularities to the
test of imagination, tracing the consequences of changes in
conditions and policies, extrapolating trends, ant] the like.
What Lasswell had in minct by the manipulative attitude is
not fully clear in these passages. From the beginning he had
a commitment to a moral and consequential political science,
but his earlier work focused on politics and power. In his
early schematization of political values as income, deference,
and safety, he describes them rather casually as illustrative
and representative values not a complete set of political
goals. He did not begin to clear explicitly with the political
value and public policy realm until his association with Myres
McDougal and the Yale School of Law in the late 1930s.
The bulk of World Politics and Personal Insecurity illustrates
his method ant] approach. In chapters 2 through 6, conflicts
among ant! within nations are related to human aggressive
propensities, as well as the structural conditions of interna-
tional relations, anc! domestic societies. The consequences of
economic and class structure, cultural diffusion, and the me-
dia of communication, are the topics of chapters 7, 8, and 9.
In chapter 10, politics, culture, and personality are relatecl in
an interesting discussion of trends in American society: he
treats the possibilities of the emergence of right-wing ex-
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HAROLD DWIGHT LASSWELL
265
nection between personality characteristics and patterns of
legal clecision-making. Other Lasswell contributions to legal
research and analysis are contained in such volumes as Studies
in World Public Order (with Myres McDougal, ~9601; In Defense
of Public Order: The Emerging Field of Sanction Law (with Rich-
ard Arens, 19611; Law and Public Order in Space (with Myres
McDougal anct {van A. VIasic, ~9631; and Human Rights and
World Public Order: The Basic Policies of an International Law of
Human Dignity (with McDougal and Lung-chu Chen, 19801.
A final volume, entitled Jurisprudence for a Free Society: Studies
in Law, Science, and Policy and coauthored with McDougal, is
still to appear.
Lasswell became Forct Professor of Law and Social Science
Emeritus at Yale in 1970. The last seven years of his life were
spent in New Haven, where he continued his research inter-
ests, and in New York City, where he was affiliated with the
Policy Sciences Center that he had helped to found in the
1940s.
Quantitatively Lasswell's productivity was enormous. He
wrote, coauthorecl, edited, and coeclited some sixty books.
He also contributed more than 300 articles to a wide range
of journals: political science, sociological, psychiatric and psy-
chological, legal, journalism, and public opinion. His publi-
cations also inclucle several hundred reviews and comments.
Among the important works that have not yet been men-
tioned are Power and Society (with Abraham Kaplan, 19501;
Democratic Character (19511; The Decision Process: Seven Cate-
gories of Functional Analysis ~ ~ 9564; The Future of Political Science
~ ~ 9634; The Sharing of Power in a Psychiatric Hospital (with Rob-
ert Rubenstein, 19661; Peasants, Power, and Applied Social
Change: Vicos as a Mode! (with Henry F. Dobyns and Paul L.
Doughty, 1 97 1 1; and The Signature of Power: Buildings, Com-
munication and Policy (with Merritt B. Fox, 19794.
These titles suggest the enormous range of Lasswell's in-
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266
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
terests, which he maintained throughout his life. Power and
Society, which was written in collaboration with the philoso-
pher Abraham Kaplan, was a propositional inventory and
conceptual handbook for political science. Among its note-
worthy contents was the elaborated version of Lasswell's cIas-
sification of base values (see above). Lasswell's monograph,
Democratic Character, was an important adclenclum to a 1951
reprint of his Psychopathology and Politics and Politics: Who Gets
What, When, and How, neither of which dealt with the psycho-
logical aspects of democracy. This monograph sought first to
define the value orientations that wouIc! be supportive of
democratic institutions and then to spell out "democratic"
personality characteristics and the social and family condi-
tions that were likely to produce them. His monograph on
the decision process (1956) spelled out more clearly his theo-
retical framework for the phases of policymaking ancT imple-
mentation cliscussed above.
In The Future of Political Science ~ ~ 963), evocative of earlier
visions of a world in which social science research has reached
high influence, he ciraws on two social science research pro-
jects in which he was engaged in the 1960s. The first of these
was an anthropological study of a hacienda in Peru. In this
effort Lasswell colIaboratecl with AlIan Holmberg of Cornell
and later producecl a book (with Dobyns and Doughty) en-
titled Peasants, Power, and Applied Social Change: Vicos as a Mode!
(19714. The experiment involvect giving increasing initiative
in decision-making to the peasants in the hacienda and at-
tempting to measure the consequences of these and other
experimental inputs of modernization and democratization.
The second, clone collaboratively with Robert Rubenstein,
was a study of an experiment at the Yale Psychiatric institute
involving the participation of patients with staff anc! psychi-
atrists in decision-making on the ward. The research was con-
cernec! with the effects of this participation on the effective-
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HAROLD DWIGHT LASSWELL
267
ness of the ward and on the therapeutic goals of the institute.
(A book documenting the study appeared in 1966 under the
title, The Sharing of Power in a Psychiatric Hospital.) The Future
of Political Science proposes that the political science profes-
sion develop the capacity to administer comprehensive sur-
veys of world political change in order to advise effectively in
the avoidance of war and other social evils. Such a survey
wouIct be informed by Lasswell's decision-process ant! goal-
value conceptualizations. He also describes the kinc! of
professional education that would be required to administer
this kind of research program anct cultivate the creativity es-
sential for elective intervention.
Finally, in a book publisher! after his cleath, The Signature
of Power: Buildings, Communication and Policy ~~ 979), Lasswell
explores the relations between the architecture of public
builclings, their public functions, and the surrounding polit-
ical culture. Using photographs of public buiTclings and mon-
uments from all over the worIcT to illustrate his points, he
demonstrates that the functions of builctings civil or mili-
tary, judicial, legislative, and bureaucratic influence their
structures. These structures in turn are influenced by na-
t~onal cultures, which produce their own structural varia-
t~ons.
Lasswell receiver! many honors in the course of his career.
He served as president of the American Political Science As-
sociation in 1956 and of the American Society of Interna-
tional Law from 1966 to 1968. He received honorary degrees
from the University of Chicago, Columbia University, the
University of Illinois, ancT the Jewish Theological Seminary.
He was actively associated as officer, boarct member, or con-
sultant to the Committee for Economic Development, the
Commission on the Freedom of the Press, the Rand Corpo-
ration, the American Association for the Advancement of
Science, ant! many other organizations. He was a fellow of
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268
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and was in-
clucted into the National Academy of Sciences in 1974.
HaroIc! Lasswell suffered a massive stroke on December
24, 1977, from which he never recovered. He cried of pneu-
monia in his apartment in New York City on December I8,
1978.
~ WISH TO ACKNOWLEDGE the help I have received from a num-
ber of sources: from Dwaine Marvick's "Introduction" to his an-
thology, Harold Lasswell on Political Sociology (1977~; from the vari-
ous contributions to Harold Lasswell's festschrift, Politics,
Personality, and Social Science in the Twentieth Century (ea. Arnold Ro-
gow, 1969~; the memorial volume, Harold Dwight Lasswell 1902—
1978, which was published by the Yale Law School under the edi-
torship of Myres McDougal; and Helen Swick Perry's Psychiatrist of
America: The Life of Harry Stack Sullivan (1982), which contains in-
formation on the early collaboration of Lasswell with Sapir and
Sullivan; and from personal communications and accounts pro-
vided by William T. R. Fox, Bruce L. Smith, Andrew R. Willard,
Rodney Muth, and Myres McDougall
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HAROLD DWIGHT LASSWELL
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
1925
269
Two forgotten studies in political psychology. Am. Political Sci.
Rev., 19:707-17.
1927
Propaganda Technique in the World War. (Ph.D. dissertation.) New
York: A. A. Knopf; London: Kegan Paul.
Types of political personalities. Proc. Am. Sociological Soc.,
22: 159-69.
1929
Personality studies. In: Chicago: An Experiment in Social Science Re-
search, ed. T. V. Smith and L. D. White, pp. 177-93. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
Problem of adequate personality records: A proposal. Am. }. Psy
chiatry, 7: 1057-66.
The study of the ill as a method of research into political person-
alities. Am. Political Sci. Rev., 23:996 - 1001.
1930
Psychopathology and Politics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Personality system and its substitutive reactions. i. Abnorm. Psy-
chol., 24:433 - 40.
Psychoanalytic interviews as a method of research on personalities.
Childs Emotions, February: 136-57.
The scientific study of human biography. Sci. Mon., 30:79-80.
Self-analysis and judicial thinking. Int. I. Ethics, 40:354-62.
1931
The measurement of public opinion. Am. Political Sci. Rev.,
25:311-26.
1932
Triple-appeal principle: A contribution of psychoanalysis to polit-
ical and social science. Am. J. Sociology, 37:523-38.
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270
BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIRS
1935
With R. D. Casey and B. L. Smith. Propaganda and Promotional Ac-
tivities: An Annotated Bibliography. Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press.
World Politics and Personal Insecurity. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Verbal references and physiological changes during the psycho-
analytic interview: A preliminary communication. Psychoanal.
Rev., 22:10-24.
1936
Politics: Who Gets What, When, How. New York: Whittlesey House,
McGraw-Hill.
Certain prognostic changes during trial (psychoanalytic) inter-
views. Psychoanal. Rev., 23:241 - 47.
1937
A method of interlapping observation in the study of personality
in culture. I. Abnorm. Psychol., 32: 240-43.
1938
What psychiatrists and political scientists can learn from one an-
other. Psychiatry, 1:33-39.
1939
With Dorothy Blumenstock {ones. World Revolutionary Propaganda:
A Chicago Study. New York: A. A. Knopf.
1941
The garrison state. Am. J. Sociology, 46:455-68.
1943
With Myres McDougall Legal education and public policy: Profes-
sional training in the public interest. Yale Law i., 52:533-61.
1945
World Politics Faces Economics. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Interrelations of world organization and society. Yale Law I.,
55:889-909.
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HAROLD DWIGHT LASSWELL
1948
271
The Analysis of Political Behaviour: An Empirical Approach. London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd.
Power and Personality. New York: W. W. Norton.
1949
With Nathan Leites, eds. Language of Politics: Studies in Quantitative
Semantics. New York: George Stewart.
1950
With Abraham Kaplan. Power and Socie0. New Haven, Conn.: Yale
University Press.
National Security and Individual Freedom. New York: McGraw-Hill.
1951
With Daniel Lerner, eds. The Policy Sciences: Recent Developments in
Scope and Method. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press.
Democratic character. In: The Political Writings of Harold D. Lasswell,
pp. 465-525. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press.
1952
With Daniel Lerner and C. Easton Rothwell. The Comparative Study
of Elites. Hoover Institute Studies. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
University Press.
With Daniel Lerner and Ithiel de Sola Pool. The Comparative Study
of Symbols. Hoover Institute Studies. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
University Press.
1956
The Decision Process: Seven Categories of Functional Analysis. College
Park: University of Maryland Press.
The political science of science: An inquiry into the possible rec-
onciliation of mastery and freedom. Am. Political Sci. Rev.,
50:961-79.
1959
Political constitution and character. Psychoanal. Rev., 46:3-18.
The qualitative and quantitative in political and legal analysis. Dae-
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45.
With Myres McDougall The identification and appraisal of diverse
systems of public order. Am. i. Int. Law, 53: 1-29.
1960
With Myres McDougall Studies in World Public Order. New Haven,
Conn.: Yale University Press.
With L. Z. Freedman. The common frontiers of psychiatry and law.
Am. J. Psychiatry, 1 17:490-98.
1961
With Richard Arens. In Defense of Public Order: The Emerging Field
of Sanction Law. New York: Columbia University Press.
With L. Z. Freedman. Cooperation for research in psychiatry and
law. Am. J. Psychiatry, 1 17 :692 - 94.
1963
The Future of Political Science. New York: Atherton Press.
With Myres McDougal and Ivan A. Vlasic. Law and Public Order in
Space. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
With Arnold A. Rogow. Power, Corruption, and Rectitude. Englewood
Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc.
1964
With Bruce M. Russett, Hayward R. Alker, Jr., and Karl W.
Deutsch. World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators. New
Haven, Conn., and London: Yale University Press.
1965
With Daniel Lerner, eds. World Revolutionary Elites: Studies in Coer-
cive Ideological Movements. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.
1966
With Robert Rubenstein. The Sharing of Power in a Psychiatric Hos-
pital. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
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273
1967
With Myres McDougal and lames C. Miller. The Interpretation of
Agreements and World Public Order: Principles of Content and Pro-
cedure. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
1968
With Myres McDougal and W. Michael Reisman. Theories about
international law: Prologue to a nonfigurative jurisprudence.
Virginia]. Int. Law, 8:188-299.
1969
With Satish Arora. Political Communication: The Public Language of
Political Elites in India and the United States. New York: Holt, Rine-
hart & Winston.
With Allan Holmberg. Toward a general theory of directed value
accumulation and institutional development. In: Political and
Administrative Development, ed. Ralph Braibanti, pp. 354-99.
Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press.
1971
With Henry F. Dobyns and Paul L. Doughty. Peasants, Power, and
Applied Social Change: Vicos as a Model. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage
Publications.
1975
With Warren F. Ilchman, John D. Montgomery, and Myron Weiner.
Policy Sciences and Population. Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath and
Company.
1979
With Merritt B. Fox. The Signature of Power: Buildings, Communica-
tion and Policy. New Brunswick, Ad.: Transaction Books.
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1980
With Myres McDougal and Lung-chu Chen. Human Rights and
World Public Order: The Basic Policies of an International Law of
Human Dignity. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press.
With Daniel Lerner and Hans Speier, eds. Propaganda and Com-
munication in World History. 3 vols. Honolulu: The University
Press of Hawaii.
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Representative terms from entire chapter:
dwight lasswell
