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17
Assessing the Credibility of Voluntary
Codes: A Theoretical Framework
Franco Furger
Over the past 10 years, there has been a steady increase in the number of
voluntary environmental initiatives among private sector organizations. ~
In addition to the now well-known case of Responsible Care, several
initiatives have been launched at the domestic and international levels. Exam-
ples include Coatings Care by the National Paint and Coatings Association, the
Coalition for an Environmentally Responsible Economy (CERES) Principles,
the development of the ISO 14000 standards of environmental management by
the International Organization for Standardization, and the principles and criteria
of sustainable forest management developed by the Forest Stewardship Council,
a business-nongovernmental organization (NGO) alliance.
The proliferation of voluntary initiatives raises several difficult questions:
Can these codes be trusted? How can their credibility be assessed? Should regu-
lators rely on private initiatives to meet public policy goals, and if so what
principles and criteria should inform agreements between the public and the
private sector? In this chapter, I focus exclusively on the second question on
how the credibility of voluntary codes may be assessed. I explore what criteria
may be used by regulators and the public to determine whether a voluntary
program should be considered credible.
The discussion is conducted in fairly abstract terms and is not centered on
any specific voluntary initiative, although I refer occasionally to specific cases to
illustrate a point. Discussions of individual cases may be found in Prakash (2000),
Howard et al. (2000), Furger (1997), and Rees (1994, 1997~. The goal of such a
general discussion is to develop a concept of credibility that is sufficiently robust
to be applicable to a wide range of voluntary initiatives. It should enable deci-
sion makers in the public sector to assess the credibility of voluntary initiatives
283
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ASSESSING THE CREDIBILITY OF VOLUNTARY CODES
in a cost-effective way, even when environmental performance data are scarce or
unavailable. Finally, it should prove helpful to decision makers involved in the
design of voluntary agreements.
CLASSIC PERSPECTIVES ON "CREDIBILITY"
Public administration scholars usually conceive of credibility (or lack there-
of), in formal and procedural terms, rather than substantive terms. For example,
voluntary programs have been criticized for not including formal mechanisms of
monitoring and compliance assurance for rarely incorporating sanctions short of
expelling a member. Furthermore, in many cases voluntary codes are perceived
as too generic to be enforceable. Finally, critics have faulted these initiatives for
not including measures of environmental performance (see Nash, this volume,
Chapter 14, for an in-depth discussion of these issues). Not surprisingly, envi-
ronmental groups have labeled some of these initiatives as "greenwash" (Greer
and Bruno, 1996~.
I submit that a legalistic definition of credibility is largely responsible for
obfuscating our understanding of voluntary codes and has hindered a fruitful
debate over their role in public policy. Consider the claim that the codes are
generic, prone to conflicting interpretations, and therefore impervious to vigor-
ous enforcement. This characterization indeed does apply to many codes. How-
ever, there is no reason to assume that generic codes cannot be trusted. In fact,
the generic nature of voluntary codes may increase rather than undermine their
credibility. For example, an association representative recently pointed out that
the generic nature of the code published by her trade association the American
Textile Institute allows her to customize the program's requirements to her
members' specific operational and technological circumstances.
From the trade association's point of view, customization has the potential
to reconcile what public administration scholars have long thought to be the
unavoidable tradeoff between effectiveness and accountability (Light, 1995; Os-
borne, 1988~. The code provides a general, common framework for all member
firms. It may be characterized as an architecture of environmental management.
It enables member firms to systematically manage their environmental impacts.
On the other end, the generic nature of the code makes it possible for the trade
association manager to tailor the program's requirements to her members' spe-
cific operational, organizational, and technological conditions. Yet the code man-
ager remains accountable to her members: Customization is based on a set of
specific guidelines developed by the trade association and its members. Thus,
generic codes may reflect the need to carefully balance effectiveness and ac-
countability, rather than suggest deceptive intentions by trade associations. (In
this paper, the term "effectiveness" indicates the ability of a trade association
manager to customize generic code requirements to the specific operational con-
ditions of individual member firms.)
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285
A second important criticism has focused on inadequate mechanisms of
monitoring and compliance assurance. Skeptics often have pointed out that the
absence of formal enforcement mechanisms invariably will translate into "free-
riding" behavior by member companies. To be sure, free-riding is an all too real
possibility. But there are good reasons to believe that free-riding behavior is not
nearly as widespread as this legalistic perspective suggests. The U.S. Environ-
mental Protection Agency (EPA) reckons that compliance levels in the private
sector average approximately 86 percent (Cohen, l999~. The rather limited efforts
of this agency to monitor and enforce environmental laws and regulations cannot
explain the high level of compliance with environmental regulations displayed
by U.S. firms. There are reasons to believe the EPA estimates may be too high
(U.S. General Accounting Office, 1990), but these differences don't invalidate
the conclusion that these levels of compliance are inexplicably high.
If vigorous law enforcement is a poor explanation of law-abiding behavior,
what may account for this outcome? As many legal scholars have shown, law-
abiding behavior is not simply a matter of assessing the costs and benefits of
complying with the law. Often, law-abiding behavior reflects internalized social
norms (Etzioni, 2000; Tyler and Darley, 2000; Cooter, 1996; Tyler, 1990~.
Sanctions matter of course, but often it is extralegal sanctions rather than state
policing that ensure "compliance" (Posner, 1996, 2000; Bernstein, 1992~: Trade
association managers, environmental professionals, top executives, community
leaders, environmentalists, bankers, insurers, and large customers all may rely
on a variety of extralegal sanctioning mechanisms to ensure the proper imple-
mentation of a voluntary code. What kind of extralegal sanctions may be avail-
able to industry insiders and to the industry "constituencies" are important ques-
tions that I discuss later in this chapter.
But what evidence is there that voluntary codes may be effective? In-depth
evaluations of these initiatives are few and far between and often inconclusive.
Indirect support for the effectiveness of voluntary codes is provided by the U.S.
experience with voluntary standard-setting organizations.2 There are many simi-
larities between standard-developing organizations (SDOs) and trade associa-
tions. Both operate as bridging institutions between business interests and the
public (Furger, 2001~. Voluntary codes, just like private standards, are devel-
oped by private interests. Like voluntary codes, many of these standards are
designed to provide a public good. And as for most voluntary codes, no formal
enforcing mechanisms exist to ensure compliance with privately developed stan-
dards. Finally, most of these standards are not self-enforcing and therefore are
exposed to free-riding.
Few attempts have been made to evaluate the credibility of standards devel-
oped by SDOs. The most thorough analysis of this question has been offered by
Krislov (1997~. This author deals extensively with the issues just introduced-
the credibility of private standards, SDOs' enforcing efforts, and free-riding be-
havior. Based on the (limited) evidence available, he comes to the conclusion
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ASSESSING THE CREDIBILITY OF VOLUNTARY CODES
that "voluntary regulation is less than draconian, but by no means irrelevant or
ineffectual" (Krislov, 1997:62~.3
The preceding discussion suggests that it may be misleading to conceive of
credibility in formal terms. The obvious alternative, to evaluate the impact of
voluntary codes on the environmental performance of participating firms, is rare-
ly a practical option. Compiling reliable and consistent data is fraught with diffi-
culties. In addition, no consensus has emerged on how to define environmental
performance.4 Finally, these efforts rarely reach unambiguous conclusions and
thus are of little value to decision makers in the public sector.5
The lack of good environmental performance data is only partially responsi-
ble for our rather limited understanding of voluntary codes. Without a robust
theoretical framework, it is impossible to explain why some voluntary codes do
contribute to improving the environmental record of participating firms while
other comparable codes don't. Explaining these differences requires an in-depth
understanding of the motives, beliefs, values, and incentives that inform the
implementation of a voluntary code. In other words, to be of any practical use
the concept of credibility must be defined in substantive rather than formal terms.
The chapter is organized as follows: In the next section, I discuss the imple-
mentation of voluntary codes as a case of private provision of a public good. The
subsequent section forms the core of this chapter. In that section, I show that
under certain circumstances, even large and geographically dispersed groups of
firms may be able to provide a public good. I then discuss the limits of a purely
economic approach to evaluating the credibility of voluntary codes and demon-
strate the importance of negotiations and of processes of mutual learning to
achieve credibility. I then summarize key findings and explore briefly how the
concept of credibility developed in this chapter may inform the design of volun-
tary agreements.
THE PROVISION OF PUBLIC GOODS IN LARGE GROUPS
The adoption of a voluntary code by a trade association may be thought of
as a collective action problem: Adopting the code requires all industrial firms to
take costly measures, such as investing in pollution prevention technologies and
implementing environmental management systems. Although the costs of adopt-
ing the code and thus of protecting the environment are borne by all industry
members, the benefits of providing this public good are enjoyed by a much
larger population.6 Under these circumstances, standard economic theory predicts
that this public good is unlikely to be provided.
This is a well-known story, told numerous times since Olson's (1965) clas-
sic, "The Logic of Collective Action." Applied to the current situation, the theo-
ry of collective action predicts that industry members will adopt a voluntary
code only if two conditions are met: Every industry member is capable of moni-
toring other member firms, and the industry as a whole is able to sanction "free-
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287
riders," that is, member firms that enjoy the reputational and economic benefits
of adopting the code, but avoid the implementation costs. These two require-
ments often have been taken to suggest that only small groups will succeed in
providing a public good.
The literature on self-governance supports the view that only small groups
succeed in managing problems of collective action. Accordingly, this literature
usually focuses on small communities. Ostrom and her students have accumulat-
ed a wealth of empirical evidence to support the view that many communities
indeed are able to successfully manage common-pool resources (a special case of a
public good) without external intervention (Ostrom et al., 2002; Ostrom et al.,
1999; Ostrom et al., 1994; Blomquist, 1992; Ostrom, 1990~. Some legal scholars
have repeatedly demonstrated that tightly knit communities are quite successful
at providing public goods to their members. Ellickson, for example, has studied
whaling (Ellickson, 1989) and farming communities (Ellickson, 1991~.
The assumption that large groups are unable to provide a public good is
rooted in a problematic definition of group size: If a group succeeds in providing
a public good, it must be small and spatially concentrated. Conversely, failure to
provide a public good indicates a large and dispersed population. There is some
wisdom to this definition of group size. But just as Newtonian mechanics pro-
vides a satisfactory explanation for many, but not all, natural phenomena, the
theory of collective action seems unable to explain why some large groups do
manage to provide a public good, while smaller ones don't. Empirical evidence
suggests that large groups are not as ill equipped to provide a public good as the
economic theory of collective action predicts. Under certain circumstances, in-
formation can circulate quite efficiently even within large groups. And as I will
show, the effectiveness of informal sanctioning mechanisms is not confined to
small groups.
Consider the following two examples, the international marine industry and
the international diamond trade. The marine industry provides an illustration of
the claim that information can circulate quite efficiently even within large groups.
The diamond traders for their part demonstrate that informal sanctioning mecha-
nisms may be very effective at sustaining common norms, such as honest behav-
ior, even in large groups. In an interview with this author, a representative of the
Salvage association an organization on which the marine insurance industry
depends to conduct accident investigations claimed that an instance of collu-
sion between a shipowner and a shipyard in Singapore would be common knowl-
edge among marine insurers in London within a week. In the international ma-
rine industry, information gathering has become the focus of specialized
activities. For example, insurance brokers traditionally have played a very im-
portant role in providing information to marine insurers and shipowners. How-
ever, insurers don't rely exclusively on brokers. They depend on "agents" in
many ports of the world to obtain firsthand information about prospective cli-
ents. Thev also leverage shipowners' knowledge about their competitors to over-
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ASSESSING THE CREDIBILITY OF VOLUNTARY CODES
come problems of asymmetrical information.7 In sum, in an industrial sector as
large as the international marine industry, one may indeed seem to be operating
in a "small world."
The diamond traders of New York City provide an illustration of how a
sizable group may be able to sustain common rules and norms without resorting
to external legal action. The industry is organized into so-called trading clubs,
also known as "bourses." The New York Diamond Dealers Club (DDC) is the
largest in the United States and has approximately 2,000 members, most of
whom are also members of the New York Jewish community. The most striking
feature of the DDC is the almost exclusive reliance on extralegal rules and norms
to conduct its business. Every aspect of the bourse is governed by the bourse
bylaws, and business disputes are resolved through arbitration. The arbitrator's
decisions are enforced by the business community, and external enforcement
actions usually are not necessary (Bernstein, 1992; Coleman, 1988~. Generally
speaking, legal considerations and legal enforcement actions play only a minor
role in this trade.
Neither the international marine industry nor the international diamond trade
may be considered small groups, yet they display a surprising ability to address
problems of collective action. They demonstrate that group size is a poor predic-
tor of a group' s ability to provide a public good. In the next section, I explore the
relationship between group size and collective action in more depth. I show that
the ability of a group to overcome problems of collective action can be explained
by certain features of the social network in which the group members are embed-
ded rather than by sheer group size.
ASSESSING THE CREDIBILITY OF VOLUNTARY CODES:
A STRUCTURAL APPROACH
The Small World Phenomenon
The small-world (SW) phenomenon undermines the traditional distinction
between small and large groups. This term refers to a familiar situation in which
two strangers discover to their surprise that they share a common acquaintance.
The term was coined in 1967 by Milgram. He showed that within the U.S.
population, the average distance between any two individuals, measured by the
average number of links separating them, is approximately six hence the now
famous "six degrees of separation" hypothesis (Milgram, 1967~.
SW networks intuitively can be described as large groups that retain key
characteristics of small groups. Members of SW networks experience their social
environment as a small group. As for any other small community, the more
cohesive this environment is, the more likely it is that an individual's conduct
becomes public information. In addition, in cohesive groups, individuals care
about their reputation and avoid actions that may damage it. Finally, more cohe-
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289
sive groups are more likely to sanction a violation of a group norm. The degree
of cohesion of the social environment of an individual in the network is mea-
sured by the so-called clustering coefficient.8
It is not unreasonable to assume that the more cohesive these clusters are,
the more likely they will be disconnected. Individuals belonging to different
clusters are very unlikely to know each other, that is, to be connected through a
link. This means that the average distance between two individuals each belong-
ing to a different cluster may be very large.9 Thus, one can expect that large
social groups are characterized by a high clustering coefficient and a long char-
acteristic path length, or by a small clustering coefficient and a short characteris-
tic path length, but not by a high degree of clustering and a short characteristic
path length. Watts has shown that this intuitive result is inaccurate. There exists
a large class of networks with both high degree of clustering and a short charac-
teristic path length. He has labeled these networks small-world networks (Watts,
1998, 1999a, l999b). This counterintuitive result has a fairly straightforward
explanation: High clustering and short characteristic path length are properties of
highly clustered networks connected with one another through a small number of
random ties. It is precisely these ties that account for the small-world phenome-
non (Watts, l999b).
The SW phenomenon is relevant to the current discussion for one main
reason: Trade association members embedded in SW networks are much more
likely to adopt and credibly implement a voluntary code. In addition, these trade
groups will display a superior ability to solve problems of collective action-
independently of group size and geographical dispersion. Let's discuss briefly
why this may be the case.
Earlier I argued that efficient information exchange among industry mem-
bers is a key requirement for a trade group to credibly implement a voluntary
code. If the personal and professional ties among the members of a trade associ-
ation constitute an SW network, information about individual members is more
likely to be common knowledge among all members even if the membership is
large and spatially dispersed. This is so because the shorter the characteristic
path length, the easier it is for a bit of information to circulate outside the limited
realm of a small cluster of member firms. I have also argued that a high degree
of clustering increases the likelihood that another firm in the same cluster will
apply some form of extralegal sanctions to the "defector." Thus, the higher the
degree of clustering, the more likely it is that another industry member will
sanction improper implementation practices.
Little currently is known about the network structure of specific industry
groups.~° Generally speaking, one can expect the structure of these networks to
vary considerably from one trade association to the next. Nevertheless, one can
predict whether the members of a trade group are embedded in an SW network
by examining a few structural variables. For example, mature industries charac-
terized by a stable industrial membership are more likely to be embedded in a
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ASSESSING THE CREDIBILITY OF VOLUNTARY CODES
well-developed SW network: Some degree of stability is needed for an SW
network to emerge. Conversely, young industries characterized by fast tech-
nological change and with significant turnover in their membership may not be
conducive to the formation of SW networks. Another important factor affecting
the formation of SW networks is the labor market. A closed labor market, that is,
a labor market that has significant entry and exit barriers but displays significant
internal turnover, greatly facilitates the emergence of an SW network. On the
other hand, an open labor market is likely to impede the formation of SW net-
works. The reliance on consultants and other professionals by the member firms
also may favor the emergence of SW networks.
The preceding discussion was based on several simplifying assumptions. I
didn't distinguish between firms and individuals operating within these firms,
and I haven't examined the role played by the trade association in the implemen-
tation process. In addition, I have not examined how information about an indus-
try member may circulate, and what kind of extralegal sanctions may be avail-
able to various industry constituencies. In the next section, I begin to discuss
these issues.
Information Gathering in Large Groups
The credibility of a voluntary code depends to a significant extent on the
ability of a trade association to identify "recalcitrant" members those industrial
members with a poor record of code implementation. As noted earlier, identify-
ing "defectors" is a difficult task because often codes do not include any moni-
toring mechanism. Under these circumstances, a code manager depends on his
or her ties to industry insiders to assess the credibility of self-audits, or to obtain
information about specific industry members.
If a code manager operates in a large trade group, it is unlikely that she will
have direct ties to all member firms. However, this is not necessarily a serious
impediment to obtaining relevant information about the member firms. The dis-
cussion of SW networks suggests that direct ties to all members firms are not
necessary. If the code manager is embedded in an SW network, she is likely to
be separated from the relevant source of information by a small number of links.
In plain English, even though she may not have a colleague working for the
member firm she is seeking information about, chances are she will know some-
body who does. If the second-order acquaintance is unable to provide the infor-
mation needed, he may be able to help by tapping into his own network of
colleagues and acquaintances. Interestingly, a direct tie with the firm under scru-
tiny may not be the most effective way to obtain sensitive information about that
firm. A company official may find it problematic to provide sensitive informa-
tion to a trade association representative, especially if that information can em-
barrass his company.
Code managers don't depend only on their professional networks to obtain
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291
relevant information. Competitive dynamics among member firms may produce
unexpected results. Interviews with representatives of the National Paint and
Coatings Association (NPCA) have shown that information about free-riding
behavior may be reported to the trade association by firms that have been put at a
competitive disadvantage by free-riders: Participating firms may have a strong
incentive to ensure that their competitors won't gain an unfair competitive ad-
vantage by poorly implementing the code. How rival firms learn about their
competitors' standards of implementation is not always clear, and the modality
varies from industry to industry. For example, it appears that in the pharmaceuti-
cal industry, senior vice presidents for environment, health, and safety entertain
cordial relations with each other and exchange relevant information. Representa-
tives of large corporations have made similar statements on occasion.
Skillful code managers may renew and expand their SW networks in several
ways: by organizing training events focused on implementation of the code; by
convening meetings dedicated to regulatory, technical, and other issues of com-
mon interest; and by participating in annual industry meetings, national confer-
ences, professional meetings, and social gatherings. Whether in reality code man-
agers consciously pursue this strategy is an important question that has not yet
received much attention.
But who is in a position to provide good, reliable information about a firm's
efforts to implement a code? The most likely source of reliable information is
neither the top executive nor the line personnel, but the mid-level manager re-
sponsible for the program's implementation. Individuals in top management po-
sitions are unlikely to share embarrassing or damaging information with trade
association representatives. On the other extreme, line personnel are in a much
better position to share relevant information with outsiders. However, they are
not likely to have strong ties to trade association managers or to other industry
practitioners. By contrast, mid-level managers are embedded in networks of pro-
fessional ties that may include several other firms outside their local community.
Unlike top management, their position may allow them to share information
about their firm' s deficiencies with their professional peers and with trade asso-
ciation representatives.~3
Efficient information exchange is obviously an indispensable condition for
maintaining the credibility of an industry code. But information alone doesn't
guarantee that the members of a trade group will properly implement the code.
In the absence of some form of sanctioning, the code is unlikely to become an
effective tool of environmental management. In the next section, I examine pos-
sible sources of extralegal sanctioning and discuss their relevance.
Sources of Extralegal Sanctioning
The absence of explicit sanctions from most voluntary codes shouldn't be
interpreted as a demonstration of untrustworthiness. As this section shows, the
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ASSESSING THE CREDIBILITY OF VOLUNTARY CODES
credibility of voluntary codes is not predicated upon the trade association impos-
ing formal, highly visible sanctions. Several other organizations operating in a
firm's institutional environment may play an important role in ensuring the
code's credibility.~4
Extralegal sanctions may come in at least three forms. The improper imple-
mentation of the code' s requirements may trigger guilt or shame, may damage a
firm's reputation, and may have negative economic consequences. Guilt and
shame speak to the moral dimension of individual choices, to the internalization
of moral values and norms. The economic literature tends to dismiss this element
of social regulation, but there is little doubt that over the past 20 years, the
business community as a whole has dramatically changed its attitudes towards
the environment. Of more immediate relevance to this discussion are sanctions
that may damage a firm's or an individual's reputation. A large body of literature
suggests that reputational considerations are a key aspect of many social inter-
actions, including business dealings.~5 A damaged reputation can affect an indi-
vidual or an organization in a variety of ways. It can translate into a loss of sales
and revenues, a lower stock valuation, higher insurance premiums, the loss of
friends and colleagues, and in extreme cases, a ruined professional career. Finally,
contractual and business relations also may become tools of extralegal sanctions,
such as when consumer boycotts occur or when the inadequate implementation
of the code translates into higher insurance premiums and more costly access to
^- .
financing.
Several organizational actors in the institutional environment of a firm may
play an active role in ensuring the proper implementation of a code. In addition
to the trade association, the parent company, other industry members, large cus-
tomers (Walton et al., 1998),16 financial institutions (insurance companies and
banks),~7 local communities, accounting firms and professional organizations,
national and international NGOs (Bendell, 2000), and international organiza-
tions all may play a significant role in promoting a credible implementation of
the code (Miles and Covin, 2000~. Empirical studies that assess the role of these
constituencies in ensuring a credible code implementation are still rare, but tend
to support the view that their aggregate impact can be significant. For example,
in developing countries, local communities may play an important role in im-
proving environmental protection in the absence of an effective regulatory sys-
tem. Empirical studies have shown that industrial plants in communities with
active local politics are associated with lower environmental impacts (Arora and
Cason, 1999; Pargal and Wheeler, 1995~.
Finally, how does a trade association deal with noncompliance? It is well
known that trade associations usually have a limited sanctioning capacity. A
trade association's ability to sanction noncompliance essentially reflects its bar-
gaining power, that is, the costs and benefits associated with staying versus
leaving the association. A trade association's sanctioning capacity is strength-
ened if the membership provides highly valuable and exclusive services to the
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293
member firms. On the other end, a firm's decision to leave a trade association
may be associated with significant costs. Leaving the trade group may result in
being perceived as a liability by potential business partners; may be interpreted
by the public, environmental groups, and regulators as an indication of a poor
environmental record; and may increase the costs of insurance and financing.
National regulators are in an excellent position to improve the attractiveness of
membership. For example, the recently launched EPA Performance Track pro-
gram provides recognition and some degree of regulatory flexibility to a selected
number of trade associations (Steve Sides, National Paint and Coating Associa-
tion, personal communication, June, 2001~.
Absent such enticements, trade association officials must resort to different
strategies. For example, these officials may make a strategic use of their position
as "information brokers" in the industry network. An information broker can
wield considerable indirect sanctioning power by making sensitive and poten-
tially damaging information about a recalcitrant member available to its direct
competitors and/or to other firms. In essence, their position as information bro-
kers confers on them the power to trigger what may be called an extralegal
"sanctioning cascade." A sanctioning cascade is not without problems. Depend-
ing on the structure of the industry network, it can generate a considerable amount
of gossip and outrage. Intense gossip can lead to information distortion and
unfairly damage a firm's reputation.
From Strategic Behavior to Learning Processes
The credibility of voluntary codes cannot be discussed exclusively in terms
of information diffusion and extralegal sanctioning mechanisms. The incomplete
nature of many voluntary codes reduces considerably the relevance of informal
sanctions: For sanctions to be fairly imposed, there must be a consensus on what
constitutes a "violation" or an "infraction." Only after the industry members
have agreed on what constitutes a proper implementation of the code can the role
of informal sanctions be explored. In this section, I focus on the role played by
environmental managers in shaping the expectations related to implementation
of the code. "Implementation" in this context takes on a specific meaning: It
identifies the process by which environmental managers convert incomplete and
open-ended code requirements into actual implementation practices. It consists
of extensive and repeated discussions among environmental professionals, com-
bined with regular information exchange. It is, in essence, a process of mutual
learning that leads to a common understanding of what constitutes a proper
implementation of the code. It is also a process that facilitates the establishment
of new ties among environmental professionals ("horizontal" ties) and reinforces
the relationship between these professionals and the trade association ("vertical"
ties), thus contributing to the formation of what some scholars have called a
"community of practice" (Gherardi et al., 1998; Brown and Duguid, 1991~.
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ASSESSING THE CREDIBILITY OF VOLUNTARY CODES
The term "common understanding" doesn't imply that the code require-
ments will ultimately translate into uniform implementation practices. "Common
understanding" in this context refers to acceptable ways of interpreting generic
code requirements in different technical, regulatory and business contexts.
Developing a common understanding of what constitutes acceptable interpreta-
tions of generic code requirements is key to reconciling conflicting demands for
accountability and flexibility, it enables customization of a consensus about dif-
ferences rather than uniformity a demonstration of the code' s ability to recon-
cile effectiveness and accountability.~9
Two opposing forces shape this negotiation process: on one end, the inter-
ests of the firms represented in these negotiations, and on the other end, the
allegiances to criteria of professionalism, technical competence, and impartiality
typical of a professional community. The tension between professionalism and
the firms' interest may lead to a temporary situation in which the environmental
professionals develop a common understanding of what constitutes the proper
implementation of the code that differs from the position taken by some of the
participating companies. These conflicts may be resolved in several ways.
One possible way to resolve these disputes is for the professional communi-
ty to simply ignore this disagreement. This is not likely to be a durable solution
because as it creates a dangerous precedent. The conflict is also likely to resur-
face at a later time in a more virulent form. A second option is to lower expecta-
tions to avoid possible conflicts. This possibility often is identified as one of the
main reasons for distrusting private standards (Cheit, 1990~. However, the evi-
dence in support of this claim is not overwhelming. The third and final option is
to reallocate the responsibility for resolving this matter from the community of
environmental managers to the trade association (to be discussed later).
An agreement on what constitutes a proper implementation of a voluntary
code does allow environmental and code managers to determine whether a firm
is "complying" with the code's requirements, but it doesn't necessarily make the
use of extralegal sanctions more effective. A firm may have implemented a code
poorly for several reasons. For example, a firm may lack scientific and technical
expertise. A recent joint effort by the EPA and the American Chemistry Council
to determine the root causes of regulatory noncompliance concluded that "hu-
man error" and "procedures" (operating procedures not followed) are two of the
main causes of noncompliance (U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, 1999~.
Implementing the code also may create complex organizational problems (Fryx-
ell and Vryza, 1999~. Finally, financial resources to properly implement the code
may be in short supply. Thus, one should distinguish between voluntary and
involuntary noncompliance.
Involuntary noncompliance demonstrates the limits of assessing the credi-
bility of voluntary codes from a narrowly defined economic perspective. If in-
voluntary noncompliance is a significant aspect of a poorly implemented code-
and there is significant evidence that implementing these codes can be
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295
overwhelming for many small and medium-size firms applying sanctions to
noncompliant firms may be wholly ineffectual. If noncompliance can be attribut-
ed to limited technical and scientific expertise or to organizational barriers, the
effective implementation of a voluntary code may depend on the availability of
training and technical assistance and on processes of information sharing and
mutual learning, rather than on sanctions.
A collaborative approach to the code implementation has a dramatic impact
on the code manager' s ability to gather accurate information about member firms.
It also enables environmental managers to freely exchange with each other even
sensitive bits of information about implementation problems. Conversely, legal-
istic and confrontational relations are likely to undermine the free flow of knowl-
edge and information among environmental professionals, and between these
professionals and their trade group.20
The preceding discussion shouldn't be interpreted as evidence that collabo-
rative and confrontational approaches are mutually exclusive. Rather, it suggests
that sanctioning noncompliance is itself a choice that must be based on carefully
assessing its costs and benefits. Those who favor the imposition of strict sanc-
tions all too often are oblivious to the possibility that these sanctions legal or
otherwise may be associated with considerable costs. By sanctioning noncom-
pliant behavior in an inappropriate or excessive way, a trade group may compro-
mise its future ability to shape the implementation process. This means that the
role of code managers is subtler than usually assumed. Code managers are neither
"private cops" nor mere "cheerleaders." Rather, they may be characterized as
mediators. Their central position in the industry network confers on them the
power to address disputes among member firms over implementation issues,
between industry interests and the public sector, and between environmental
groups and member firms. In short, they become what some scholars have dubbed
"crosscutting ties."2i
CONCLUSION
In this chapter I have shown that the two dominant approaches to evaluating
voluntary codes determining the impact of a code on environmental perfor-
mance and assessing the code requirements against formal criteria may not
provide satisfactory results. Accurate, public sources of information on environ-
mental performance are rarely available. Furthermore, there is no consensus
among scholars and practitioners on how to define measures of environmental
performance that would allow meaningful interfirm comparisons. On the other
end, evaluating voluntary codes on formal criteria alone may be misleading. As
this chapter has shown, firms may undertake considerable efforts to implement a
voluntary code, even though the code itself is not fully specified and/or doesn't
include detailed reporting requirements and specific mechanisms of compliance
assurance. This chapter suggests that a better way to assess voluntary codes is to
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ASSESSING THE CREDIBILITY OF VOLUNTARY CODES
focus on processes and structures that may facilitate or impede a credible code
implementation. This includes industry networks, information diffusion and in-
formation exchange, extralegal sanctioning mechanisms, and interorganizational
learning, among others.
The concept of credibility advanced in this chapter provides several lessons
for the design of voluntary agreements. First, a contractual relationship between
a regulatory agency and a trade association is likely to transform the relationship
of the trade association to its members from collaborative to confrontational. In
other words, it may crowd out collaborative dispositions and undermine infor-
mation exchange and mutual learning. In addition, it may impair the trade asso-
ciation's ability to mediate among opposing interests. Whether regulators could
avoid these outcomes by providing significant benefits to participating firms
remains to be seen.
Second, most industrial codes may be characterized as an architecture of
environmental management. Current voluntary codes are not designed to directly
address highly specific environmental concerns. The incomplete, open-ended
nature of many voluntary codes is typical of social obligations that are impervi-
ous to formalization. As a result, they are ill suited to become part and parcel of
voluntary agreements.
Third, developing an in-depth knowledge of the implementation processes
should enable decision makers in the public sector to focus on improving the
self-regulatory and learning capacity of a trade association and its members,
rather than concentrating on specific elements of the code. In less abstract terms,
voluntary agreements should be designed to improve the problem solving capac-
ity of the parties involved (Lindblom and Cohen, 1979~.
NOTES
1 The term "voluntary initiative" is not particularly accurate, as some trade groups have made
their codes a condition of membership. However, for the sake of clarity I will use this term through-
out the chapter. Voluntary initiatives must be distinguished from "voluntary agreements." The latter
usually refers to a formalized contractual arrangement between a private party, often a trade associa-
tion, and a regulatory agency, while the former is defined as an institutional arrangement developed
by a trade association for the benefit of its members.
2 In the United States, Standard Developing Organizations have been involved in setting health
and safety standards in many industries and for many consumer products (Yilmaz, 1998; Krislov,
1997; Cheit, 1990; Hamilton, 1978; Hemenway, 1978).
3 One may attribute this result to fears of product liabilities. However, these fears may be
compensated by concerns about antitrust laws.
4 See, for example, National Academy of Engineering (1999), Natan and Miller (1998), Ranga-
nathan (1998), and Ditz and Ranganathan (1997).
5 Consider, for example, Responsible Care. Even though this code has existed for well over a
decade, only one comprehensive evaluation has been conducted so far (King and Lenox, 2000).
Their statistical sophistication and thoroughness notwithstanding, the authors of this study were
unable to draw firm conclusions about the effectiveness of Responsible Care. Other efforts at evalu-
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ating voluntary codes include Coglianese and Nash (2001), Cowton and Thompson (2000), Prakash
(2000), and Nash and Ehrenfeld (1997).
6 This is so because by definition, nobody can be excluded from enjoying the benefits of a
public good.
7 The term "asymmetrical information" identifies a situation in which access to critical infor-
mation is uneven. Consider, for example, the market for used cars. Prospective buyers are usually
unable to determine whether they are getting a "lemon," only the salesperson has that information.
This is a classic case of asymmetrical information (Akerlof, 1970).
8 The clustering coefficient is a local property: If a node has n immediate neighbors, then this
neighborhood defines a subgraph that has at most n(n-1)12 edges, if the neighborhood is fully con-
nected. The clustering coefficient of this subgraph is the fraction of this maximum that is actually
realized. The clustering coefficient of the entire graph is the average of these fractions calculated for
every node (Watts, l999b:498).
9 The characteristic path length is defined as the "average number of edges that must be
traversed in the shortest path between any two pairs of vertices in the graph" (Watts, l999b:498). It
is a global property of the network.
10 In this context, the literature on interlocking directorates is of limited help. In this chapter, I
am concerned with networks of environmental professionals and top executives, and not with rela-
tionships among boards of directors.
11 Consultants and other providers of professional services may be described as "weak ties"
(Granovetter, 1973). As I will show, individuals and organizations with weak ties to otherwise
disjointed networks are in an excellent position to mediate between conflicting interests and to
influence the outcome of these conflicts. An indirect illustration of this argument is provided by
Dietz and Rycroft (1987).
12 This is not surprising because acceptance of these codes by member firms would be seriously
damaged by any attempt to incorporate such mechanisms from the outset. Accordingly, trade associ-
ation representatives carefully avoid any talk of "enforcement action."
13 See Canan and Reichman (1993) for a discussion of the role of mid-level managers and
engineers in promoting the implementation of the Montreal protocol. Also see the discussion in
Brown and Duguid (1991).
14 It is fashionable to discuss the role of organizations located in the institutional environment of
a firm in terms of first-, second-, third-, and fourth-party inspections and certification. Although this
terminology occasionally may be useful, it tends to obscure important differences within each cate-
gory. For example, a well-reputed industry insider and an international consulting firm both can be
described as "third parties." However, a small firm may find it wholly unacceptable to be surveyed
and certified by an international consulting firm, but most likely would agree to be audited by an
independent industry insider. An NGO would take the opposite view.
15 The details of this argument are more involved. The groundwork was laid by several econo-
mists in the 1980s (Mailath and Samuelson, 1998; Kreps et al., 1982; Kreps and Wilson, 1982).
Economic historians have provided vivid illustrations of the role of reputational incentives in sus-
taining trade (Greif, 1989, 1991, 1993; Milgrom et al., 1990). During the l990s, many legal scholars
recognized the relevance of reputational incentives in sustaining social norms (Schwarcz, in press;
Coffee, 2001; Posner, 1996, 2000; Choi, 1998; Bernstein, 1992; Ellickson, 1989, 1991; Charny,
1990). Political scientists have studied the role of reputation, guilt, and shame as a means of informal
policing (Braithwaite, 1989, 1993). Surprisingly, sociologists with few exceptions (Etzioni, 2000;
Raub and Weesie, 1990) have been slow to recognize the importance of this topic.
16 An increasing number of large industrial firms are requiring suppliers to achieve some degree
of sustainability by adopting environmental management systems such as ISO 14000. The automo-
bile industry is a case in point.
17 For example, the American Chemistry Council (ACC, formerly the Chemical Manufacturers
Association) has negotiated better insurance rates for Responsible Care companies. Unfortunately,
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ASSESSING THE CREDIBILITY OF VOLUNTARY CODES
this approach removes selective incentives for ACC firms to improve their environmental perfor-
mance.
18 In the case of the diamond trade, this has occurred, as documented in Bernstein (1992:121). A
diamond trader whose reputation had been damaged by baseless gossip was able to restore his good
name by posting a rebuttal on the DDC's bulletin board.
19 Consider, for example, the following requirement, which is part of the NPCA Coatings Care
program: "I.III.1 Occupational Safety and Health: 1.2 Plan and carry out periodic targeted inspec-
tions for conformity with site policies and practices." Obviously, a small firm will implement this
requirement rather differently than a large industrial company. These differences, however, don't
necessarily constitute evidence of inadequate code implementation.
20 A growing body of literature in economics demonstrates that confrontational interactions
among the members of a group hamper the group's ability to cooperate. See, for example, Fehr and
Gachter (2001), Falk et al. (2002), and Frey (1997). This literature also illustrates the relevance of
processes of face-to-face communication in overcoming problems of collective action.
21 The relevance of crosscutting ties hardly can be overemphasized. For example, Lipset (1959)
has shown that a key requirement of a functioning democracy is to have crosscutting ties among the
various social and political groups. In his now classic The Strength of Weak Ties, sociologist Granovet-
ter suggests that missing crosscutting ties among ethnic Italian families in a Boston neighborhood
account for the inability of this neighborhood to organize against "urban renewal" (Granovetter,
1973:1373-1376; see also Granovetter, 2000:1079). Locke notes that missing crosscutting ties between
business and labor in Turin, Italy, explain the very confrontational and ultimately self-defeating path of
industrial restructuring at FIAT, the largest Italian carmaker. By contrast, in the case of Alfa Romeo,
the existence of numerous crosscutting ties among the parties involved led to a cooperative restructur-
ing process, with positive economic fallouts for the entire Milan area (Locke, 1995).
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Representative terms from entire chapter:
trade association
