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1
Setting the Stage
A mong the many transformations that have occurred in the
American family over the past 30 years, few are as dramatic as
the increased rates of paid employment and changing patterns
of work among mothers with children. From 1970 to 2000, overall mater-
nal labor force participation rates rose 79 percent (from 38 to 68 percent);
for mothers with the youngest children, birth to age 3, this rate more than
doubled (from 24 to 58 percent). This trend has held for mothers in a wide
variety of circumstances--first-time mothers and never-married mothers,
for example--and across demographic categories, including family income,
education, race and ethnicity, and place of residence.
During this same period, the availability and use of nonparental child
care also has increased, both in response to trends in parental employment
and as a result of growing public confidence in a variety of care arrange-
ments. Research documenting the benefits of early childhood educational
interventions and of after-school programs for early adolescents, particu-
larly for those from low-income families, has helped persuade municipal
governments, state legislatures, and the federal government to invest more
in these programs. Public policies that support parental employment are a
diverse lot. Some reduce the tax burden or increase the tax credit for
certain working families (for example, the federal earned income tax credit).
Others subsidize child care or improve its quality. As well as responding to
employment trends, a number of these policies are likely also to encourage
parents who were not working to enter the labor force; policies that help
parents find and pay for child care are an example. The recent devolution
11
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12 WORKING FAMILIES AND GROWING KIDS
of certain public responsibilities for child and family well-being from the
federal government to the states also has created opportunities to develop
innovative strategies that respond to local employment conditions.
Although states and localities have increasingly become engaged in
supporting working families, many consider two pieces of federal legisla-
tion, in addition to the expansion of the earned income tax credit noted
above, as pivotal in this regard. The Family and Medical Leave Act (FMLA)
of 1993 established, for the first time, the rights of certain workers to 12
weeks of unpaid, job-protected leave to care for a newborn or a newly
adopted child, or for ill or disabled family members. Enacted in 1996, the
Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) provisions in the
Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunities Reconciliation Act
(PRWORA) made cash assistance for poor families, for the first time, con-
tingent on employment or participation in activities to prepare single moth-
ers for work. These policies have helped bring the domains of work, family
life, and child well-being into unavoidably close contact.
These are dramatic societal changes in parental employment, particu-
larly of mothers, in the range of options available to them to care for their
children while they are at work, in public sentiment about the advisability
of these arrangements, in policies that support working families, and in the
knowledge base about environmental factors that promote child and ado-
lescent development. They raise questions about the effects of parent em-
ployment and employment-related policies on the well-being of children
and adolescents.
In November 2001, the National Academies, with support from a con-
sortium of private foundations, established the Committee on Family and
Work Policies to address these questions.
COMMITTEE CHARGE
The Committee on Family and Work Policies is comprised of an inter-
disciplinary group of individuals with expertise in several relevant fields,
including sociology, economics, public policy, business, early child develop-
ment and care, adolescent development and care, demography, psychology,
and anthropology. It was asked to review, synthesize, and characterize
available research on the roles of working parents, other caregivers, and
caregiving arrangements in promoting the health and development of chil-
dren and adolescents. The committee explored the range of policies and
benefits that support working families and their implications for child and
adolescent well-being. Of particular interest were policies of four types:
policies that impose work requirements on parents (such as TANF), policies
that require work as a condition of receiving benefits (such as the earned
income tax credit), policies that support care arrangements for the children
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SETTING THE STAGE 13
of working parents, and policies that grant job-protected family and medi-
cal leave to employees.
In order to address these issues, the committee relied on recent ad-
vances in research on child care and development; adolescent care and
development; effects of employment on parents and on child and adolescent
development; research on current programmatic supports for child and
adolescent development; and ethnographic research on working families.
SCOPE OF THE STUDY
The committee's primary focus is the area of overlap among four
spheres of interest (see Figure 1-1): work patterns and experiences of work-
ing parents; developmental needs of children and adolescents; support avail-
able to families; and the roles of parents and caregivers. Our foremost
priority is to understand the implications of work on the well-being of
children and adolescents in working families.
Work Patterns and
Experiences of
Working Parents
Developmental Needs of
Children and Adolescents
Support
Available to
Families
The Role of Parents and
Caregivers
FIGURE 1-1 Four spheres of interest.
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14 WORKING FAMILIES AND GROWING KIDS
Population of Concern
The committee considered the experiences of working families across
economic, cultural, and social contexts, given that all families face chal-
lenges in meeting the demands of work and parenting. But early on, com-
mittee members acknowledged that families with low incomes face particu-
lar challenges in managing these two spheres of their lives; this may be
especially true for families in which the parents have been obliged to enter
the labor force because of policies such as TANF. It also often appears to
be the case that children in low-income families have the most to gain from
high-quality care arrangements, both in preschool and school-age settings.
We therefore chose to pay special attention to this subgroup, as researchers
continue to debate the implications of welfare reform, a strong economy,
and such policies as the earned income tax credit for the well-being of
families and their children (Joint Center for Poverty Research, 2000).
Poverty in single-mother families has fallen dramatically in the period
after the passage of welfare reform, and many poor families on welfare
have shown that they are capable of supporting themselves by working
(Haskins, 2001). But that does not mean the end of hardship. Even though
poverty rates and the number of children in poverty declined, there is some
evidence that rates of extreme poverty did not decline as fast as the overall
poverty rate, and there are many challenges for those who manage to
escape poverty and leave welfare through work.
The committee sought to develop a comprehensive and representative
description of the experience of these families. Recent qualitative investiga-
tions, especially those that have collected data from TANF participants,
help to contextualize the findings on the experience of low-income families
reported later in this report.
Not surprisingly, the qualitative evidence indicates that jobs held by
low-income workers often pay among the lowest wages allowable by law.
Furthermore, adults who earn low wages report difficulties making ends
meet (Nicolas and Baptiste, 2001; Lengyel and Campbell, 2002). Research
further reveals that for women moving from welfare to work, employment
can actually worsen their financial position, given the added costs of trans-
portation (car, insurance, gas, bus fare), work clothes, and child care (Edin
and Lein, 1997; Hicks-Bartlett, 2000; Jarrett, 1994; Rosier, 2000). Al-
though evidence shows that the wages of those leaving welfare rise with
time on the job at about the same rate as other workers, opportunities to
increase wages are sometimes limited, given that these workers largely hold
unskilled and semiskilled jobs, such as cashiers at car washes (Rank, 1994),
fast food attendants (Newman, 1999; Shook, 1999), nursing and home care
attendants (Hicks-Bartlett, 2000; Oliker, 1995), circuit board testers, cleri-
cal workers (Puntenney, 1999), laborers at recycling centers, and part-time
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SETTING THE STAGE 15
A New Jersey mother of two who is working in a temporary job details a
common plight (Amstutz, 2002:67):
Now I'm getting Medicaid. I'm going to get taken off in February
and then I will have to get New Jersey Kids Care but I won't have
any benefits. I feel they should have something for parents too.
You know, for working parents everybody needs health benefits.
janitors (Reaves, 2000). These workers take on multiple low-paid or tem-
porary jobs, sometimes combining formal and informal employment or
work in the underground economy (Edin and Lein, 1997; Newman, 1999).
Low-wage and part-time employment often lacks health benefits. The
absence of critical benefits means that parents must pay out-of-pocket costs
for attention to their own or their children's health (Jarrett, 1994; Newman,
1999) unless a source of free care is available. Others may forego medical
treatment for short-term and chronic illnesses for themselves or their chil-
dren (Amstutz, 2002; Edin and Lein, 1997).
Rigid work schedules that fail to accommodate family and personal
needs (such as unexpected illnesses, gaps in child care arrangements, paren-
tal illnesses, long distance travel, disruptions in transportation) may further
undermine job stability (Harris and Lengyel, 2002; Iversen, 2002). Work-
ers may have limited flexibility to respond to family emergencies, such as a
sick child or an appointment at school (Johnson, 2002).
Jobs that require physical stamina characterize the work experience of
some poor adults. These included ditch digging, construction, nursing, and
home care assistance that requires heavy lifting (Hamer, 2001; Hicks-
Bartlett, 2000). Long-term employment of this nature may compromise
their health and future economic prospects.
Poor adults may need to travel to employment in distant suburban
areas that lack easily accessible public transportation. When public trans-
portation is available, it can require several hours of travel. Moreover,
poor adults rarely have reliable cars (Cook and Fine, 1995; Jarrett, 1994;
Reaves, 2000; Thomlinson and Burrows, 2002; Young, 2000). The chal-
lenges related to low-income work affect children and adolescents in nu-
merous ways. Children lose time with their parents if their parents must
hold multiple jobs or commute long distances (Cook and Fine, 1995; Edin
and Lein, 1997).
Employment may make it more difficult to ensure the safety of children
on their way to or from school or on other excursions in their neighbor-
hoods, and it may make protecting young children from violence, gangs,
and drugs more of a challenge (Fordham, 1996; Hicks-Bartlett, 2000;
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16 WORKING FAMILIES AND GROWING KIDS
Oliker, 1995; Puntenney, 1999). With parents absent during daytime hours,
children may become involved in risky behaviors, such as sexual activity,
drugs, and gangs (Anderson, 1999; Cook and Fine, 1995; Hicks-Bartlett,
2000).
These difficulties in the workplace and at home make obtaining and
maintaining employment particularly challenging for low-income workers.
They also make it hard to ensure the well-being of children and adolescents
in these families. This disconnect is a fundamental challenge working
families face as they attempt to simultaneously work and care for their
children and adolescents (Adams and Rohacek, 2002; Adams et al., 2002a).
Research Context
During the past several decades, research in the neurobiological, behav-
ioral, and social sciences has also dramatically altered the landscape for
early childhood policy, service delivery, and childrearing in the United
States. This research has led to major advances in understanding the many
factors that influence child health and development. These scientific gains
have generated a much deeper appreciation of the importance of early life
experiences on the development of the brain and the unfolding of human
behavior, and of the central role of early relationships as a source of either
support and adaptation or risk and dysfunction (National Research Coun-
cil and Institute of Medicine, 2000). There has also been an increased
understanding of adolescent development and functioning, and as a result,
a greater understanding of the opportunities and challenges associated with
parental employment during adolescence (National Research Council and
Institute of Medicine, 2002).
This report builds on a foundation of work from the National Acad-
emies on issues related to children, youth, and families. More than a
decade ago, a report of the National Research Council--Work and Family:
Policies for a Changing Work Force--examined changes in the composition
of American families and the increased participation of women in the
workforce (National Research Council, 1991). The report assessed the
major areas of conflict between work and family responsibilities and pos-
sible ways of easing them. It offered an ambitious agenda for employers
and suggested the need for additional public policies.
At about the same time, another report, called Who Cares for America's
Children (National Research Council, 1990), considered the effects of
nonmaternal care on children's development and recommended major
changes to improve the quality, affordability, and accessibility of child care
in the United States. It called for substantial increases in public funding for
subsidies to support the use of quality child care by low-income families,
expansion of Head Start and other compensatory preschool programs, and
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SETTING THE STAGE 17
strengthening of the infrastructure of the child care system through ex-
panded resource and referral services and other programs.
A decade later, From Neurons to Neighborhoods (National Research
Council and Institute of Medicine, 2000) summarized a large body of litera-
ture on the scientific knowledge about the nature of early development and
the role of early experiences. It made a series of recommendations for how
public policies and childhood interventions could be brought into closer
alignment with what science has to say about the essential needs of children
and families. This current report brought together the findings of these
three reports by urging federal policy makers to recognize the importance
of strong, early relationships between young children and their parents and
other caregivers.
From Neurons to Neighborhoods also recommended supporting work-
ing parents by expanding coverage of the Family and Medical Leave Act to
ensure that all working mothers and fathers have equal access to this ben-
efit. The study committee that authored that report found that the then-
current law, which provided three months of unpaid leave, was insufficient
and recommended that paid family leave benefits be available for all fami-
lies. Furthermore, the committee recommended that policy makers explore
financial supports for low-income parents who meet the eligibility require-
ments but do not take unpaid leave because they cannot afford to forego
pay, even on a temporary basis. In keeping with its emphasis on supporting
early family relationships, the committee also recommended that govern-
ment leaders extend the amount of time that welfare recipients with very
young children are excused from meeting the work requirements of recent
welfare reform policies.
In 2001 the National Academies published Community Programs to
Promote Youth Development (National Research Council and Institute of
Medicine, 2002). This report evaluated and integrated the science of adoles-
cent health and development and made recommendations for design, imple-
mentation, and evaluation of community programs for youth. It identified a
set of personal and social assets that increase the healthy development and
well-being of adolescents and facilitate a successful transition from child-
hood, through adolescence, and into adulthood. The study committee con-
cluded that continued exposure to positive experiences, settings, and people,
as well as opportunities to gain and refine life skills (in families, community
programs, schools, etc.) helps young people acquire these assets.
Taken together, this group of reports reflects advances in theory, re-
search, and practice in understanding how children and adolescents de-
velop and the effects of everyday contexts on their development and well-
being. They also focus needed attention on specific programs and policies,
in both the public and private sectors, which influence parental behavior
and well-being, including the extent to which parents are able to fulfill their
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18 WORKING FAMILIES AND GROWING KIDS
childrearing responsibilities. And each report, in its own way, insisted on
enlarging the scope of investigation to include environments outside the
family--workplaces, child care and after-school programs, neighborhoods,
and communities. This present report has profited from these previous
efforts.
GUIDE TO THE REPORT
This report is organized in three parts. Following this introduction,
Part I summarizes trends in the areas of work and family patterns and the
care of children and adolescents. Chapter 2 reviews current trends in
employment patterns and family functioning among working families--
particularly working mothers--in the United States. It highlights various
dimensions of work and family trends, including work schedules, parenting
patterns, and family management. Chapter 3 describes the diverse patterns
of child care use and details family expenditures on child care, the child care
supply, and child care quality.
Part II considers the effects of the trends described in Part I. Chapter 4
reviews the research on maternal employment and its effect on the family
environment. Chapter 5 looks at early child care and child care settings
during middle childhood and considers the effects of care on these children.
Chapter 6 reviews the evidence on the effects of parental employment on a
particular group of children--adolescents ages 12 to 18. And Chapter 7
reviews evidence on the effects of welfare reform on the family, with par-
ticular attention to employment, earnings, poverty, fertility, and marriage,
as well as their effects on children and adolescents.
Part III highlights current public supports available to working families
and describes possible next steps for promoting the positive development of
care for children and adolescents in working families. Chapter 8 considers
the public policies, including leave policies, tax policies, and education
programs, as well as programs to assist families in paying for child care and
their implications for child and adolescent well-being. Finally, Chapter 9
summarizes the committee's findings and presents possible options for pub-
lic policy and research. For reference throughout the report, a list of
acronyms is provided in Box 1-1.
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SETTING THE STAGE 19
BOX 1-1
Acronym Full Title
ACF Administration for Children and Families
AFDC Aid to Families with Dependent Children
CACFP Child and Adult Care Food Program
CCDBG Child Care Development Block Grant
CCDF Child Care and Development Fund
CCLC 21st Century Community Learning Centers
CDA Child Development Associate
CDC Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
CDCTC Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit
CE Consumer Expenditure Survey
CED Committeee for Economic Development
CF The Children's Foundation
CPC Chicago Child-Parent Centers
CPS Current Population Survey
CQO The Cost, Quality, and Outcomes Study
CTC Child Tax Credit
DCAP Dependent Care Assistance Program
DHHS Department of Health and Human Services
ECERS Early Childhood Environment Rating Scale
EHS Early Head Start
EITC Earned Income Tax Credit
FDCH Family Day Care Home
FDCRS Family Day Care Rating Scale
FMLA The Family and Medical Leave Act
GAO General Accounting Office
GED Graduate Equivalency Degree
ITERS Infant Toddler Envirnoment Rating Scale
MDRC Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation
MFIP Minnesota Family Investment Program
MOE Maintenance of Effort
NAEYC National Association for the Education of Young Children
NASF National Survey of Families
NCCS The National Child Care Survey
NCCSS National Child Care Staffing Study
NICHD National Institute of Child Health and Human Develop-
ment
NLSY National Longitudinal Survey of Youth
(continued)
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20 WORKING FAMILIES AND GROWING KIDS
BOX 1-1 Continued
Acronym Full Title
NSFH National Survey of Families and Households
NYCAP New York State's Child Assistance Program
OBRA Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act
ORCE Observational Record of the Caregiving Environment
PCS Profile of Child Care Settings
PDA Pregnancy Disability Act
PLA Parental Leave Account
PRWORA Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconcil-
iation Act
SACERS School-Aged Environment Rating
SECC Study of Early Child Care
SEM Structural Equation Modeling
SES Socioeconomic Status
SFSP Summer Food Service Program
SIPP Survey of Income and Program Participation
SSBG Social Services Block Grant
SSP Canada's Self Sufficiency Project
TANF Temporary Assistance for Needy Families
TASC The After-School Corporation
TDI Temporary Disability Insurance
UEP Urban and Environmental Policy and Planning
UI Unemployment Insurance
USDA United States Department of Agriculture
WRP Vermont's Welfare Restructuring Project
YAA Younger Americans Act
Representative terms from entire chapter:
tax credit