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5 Diversity and Inequality Diversity is among the defining features of city life. Seen from one perspective, diversity is a manifestation of the concept of the city as lottery, a social arena where risks and rewards are on display. It is evidence of mobility and possibility. But from another perspective, diversity is experienced as inequity, a reminder of immobility and possibilities frustrated. This chapter explores several of the di- mensions of urban socioeconomic diversity and inequality. Particular attention is paid to the circumstances of the urban poor. On close inspection, the housing and living conditions of the urban poor prove to be more varied than might have been thought, and it is not easy to reduce in- dicators of urban housing quality to estimates of the population living in slums. Even the term "slum" tends to be avoided in careful research on urban housing, although it can be employed as a convenient shorthand. The tone adopted in sci- entific studies resembles that of the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (UNCHS) (1996:205~: "How simplistic and often inaccurate it is to assume that mostlow-incomegroupsElive~in'slums'or'slumsandsquattersettlements'." On the question of changes in the percentages of urban dwellers in slums, UNCHS (1996) does not find sufficient evidence to draw conclusions, although it does concede that the total numbers living in such settlements are large and probably have been rising. Not until 1990, when UNCHS began its Housing Indicators Programme, was a sustained effort made on a large scale to bring order and coher- ence to empirical measures of urban housing, enabling cross-country comparisons in a few key dimensions. This study (described in UNCHS [1996:1961; see also Malpezzi [19991) laid the groundwork for a more nuanced understanding of urban living conditions and drew attention to the variety of housing markets in which the urban poor participate. We approach urban poverty with the understanding that it has many facets that need to be considered. Housing is of interest, as are levels of income and con- sumption. Other aspects also warrant attention. When poverty is conceptualized 155

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156 CITIES TRANSFORMED as having multiple dimensions, the focus of analyses extends from individuals and households to groups, encompassing measures of the economic and politi- cal power held by groups and the qualities and capacities of local and national governments. As will be seen, a recognition of poverty's multiple dimensions suggests broader roles for programs and policies than could be deduced from a consideration of income and consumption alone. As we seek to understand how diversity and inequality manifest themselves spatially, we initially examine city maps of socioeconomic indicators. It is dis- appointing that the analysis cannot then proceed systematically to the level of city neighborhoods and districts. As mentioned in Chapter 2, the conceptual and empirical tools that have been applied to the cities of rich countries await further application to the cities of poor countries. We are confident that the neighborhood data exist, though at present they are inaccessible. To be sure, the literature on poor countries presents many fine-grained portraits of selected city neighborhoods. The micro studies give vivid and compelling ac- counts of the absolute poverty and serious deprivation that can be found in some city neighborhoods, but such studies provide an uncertain basis for wider gener- alization. Household surveys fielded at the national level can offer such a gen- eralized overview in what follows, we rely heavily on the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS) but they usually lack the sample sizes needed to detect socioeconomic differentiation at the neighborhood level or even at the level of cities. However, household surveys will generally support aspatial analyses of urban populations taken as a whole, and will often allow the urban population to be subdivided by city size class or separated into other broad categories. In the first section of the chapter, then, we can only briefly examine the spatial aspects of inequality and diversity within cities. The remainder of the chapter is necessarily less spatial in orientation. Conditions among urban populations are compared with those among rural populations; within the urban populations, we explore how socioeconomic conditions vary across cities of differing population size and by measures of relative poverty. Applying this aspatial approach, the chapter's second section examines school- ing. For adults, schooling is an important determinant of socioeconomic well- being and demographic behavior. We show the distributions of adult education in urban and rural areas and pay special attention to the educational diversity that marks urban areas. The section following considers the distinctive features of urban poverty, describing recent research that leads to a multidimensional per- spective on disadvantage. We then explore one of these dimensions in detail, examining how access to basic public services differs between rural and urban populations, and differs within urban populations along the lines of city size and relative poverty. Next, we critically assess current estimates of urban poverty in developing countries, arguing that national and international statistics are likely to have understated its prevalence. This assessment is followed by a brief discussion of the risk and vulnerability faced by the urban poor.

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DIVERSITY AND INEQUALITY 157 The chapter ends with a consideration of children's lives. How well do chil- dren fare in the cities of poor countries? If adult schooling represents the socio- economic diversity of the current generation, children's schooling represents the potential for differences to emerge in the next generation. Schooling is the result of social investments of several kinds those made by parents, communities, and the state. As will be seen, these investments give urban children a decided advan- tage in terms of school enrollment, on average, as compared with their rural coun- terparts. However, the urban averages conceal substantial variation. When other aspects of children's lives in the city are examined we review what is known about street children a fuller picture emerges of diversity and inequality in ur- ban children's lives. A SPATIAL PERSPECTIVE In the cities of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, the spatial expressions of poverty and affluence are often as vivid as they are in Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York. Figure 5-1 shows the concentration of the affluent in Santiago, Chile, an urban area with some 4.7 million residents within the bounds of the city proper. Here the elites are clustered in the northeastern sections of the city. (Wealthier areas are depicted in darker shading.) The ways in which rich and poor are spa- tially arrayed vary greatly across cities (compare Figure 5-1 with the complex pat- tern seen in Mexico City in Figure 2-1 in Chapter 2), but in one form or another, many cities exhibit spatial evidence of exclusion and segregation. As we have mentioned, however, not all aspects of exclusion express themselves spatially, and researchers are beginning to explore the nonspatial forms. The complexities can be appreciated in a recent study of Buenos Aires (Torres, 2001) that examines the increase in this city's "gated" communities the protected enclaves of upper-income groups. Figure 5-2 depicts the changes seen in Buenos Aires during the l990s, when many such enclaves sprang up. (The white squares represent the locations of gated communities in 1990-1991, and the black dots represent the new communities of this type that emerged by 2001.) As can be seen in Figure 5-3, a number of these enclaves lie adjacent to the neigh- borhoods of the poor. (In this figure, the gated communities are shown as white dots, and the darker areas indicate where the poor live.) In locating near the poor, the rich gain easy access to a pool of cheap labor, persons who can be hired as se- curity guards, gardeners, and maids. The rich separate themselves from the poor not so much by putting them at a distance (though there is some of that), but by fortifying the borders of their enclaves and restricting the terms on which the poor are allowed to come into contact with them. This is a strategy of "proximity and high walls" (a phrase taken from Caldeira, 1996~. If transport costs allow some of the poor to make longer journeys to work, the rich are permitted the additional luxury of distance. As can be seen in Figure 5-3, most of the gated communities

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158 CITIES TRANSFORMED . :: ~ (pi . . . ~ .f,:.:fi x.),,,1i , . ,. S,.,:,.:~e,2. .2.,.- .,,,',,,j':., $f,ff.if.ff6-i: ,.(',2 ,i<,2,:\ ~s,.",$"", -, ,'.2.>2,/~./2.2.~/2, ~,<~,.,2,.,.2.',nj2~ )' i ''' ''a /2'~ ('2 ' ~ ~"1': .~ v . . ;.," .d .. ' '\ ~ ; 'K'i: ~,,,''' ' ' ; :'~ i, ~ ~ it r C / ~ :' "'': <:,': :::.', :'-:: '::~i :i:: .'-:X: ~ .'~ 'i~' ,'-. '-'.: " -2 -'.,.i'.,i~ :-':>2 $.gff;< ~.,': -: :::::::,.,::::, :'-':..if.~',f:.'i. ~ ~$ : r ;i ,'i""2 ""2 ', "' Percentage of the group in each zone ~ .... ti ,i,> Upto2% [:; ~>' 2-5% .~.~ 5-1 0% 10-21 % 42-1 00% . no information ........ ~The elite represents 1a6% of the heads of households ~ :: ::~::\ ::i . $ ~ :2:2: ': ':2 '':''::':2::''2':,i :;~f ~f"<''.:.: '' ., , i j.2 ' . '': : ,, ' ,,-:$ .,.'$ .~ . ~ :.', .-:< ,~ ;; ~ , ~ ,~- .... .~. ~ ~,,,,,,,, ,, ,i,,,i,,, .~.; . ~fff~.,h . ~ j' ::::,:, >: $ .:::: :' ': .: ": : ' . ~': :-': . ~ .'.~": .'N ~ ., i . - j: ..... , $ ::: :: ,:,, ; 1 ~ j; ., i' .':':'.':'.'. '.':'. .'."'" ' '''. .\ i i.'P .: , :, . , .. ,f T~', ,2 '. ;, :,: .'.: :':' :' i '<~' '' ''~';21.~ '2 i ~ 2. i., s., i,~ 2/,~ ~,:~ '', ":2 :: :': :.:.: ': :.:.~:.,~, 5!; . ~,.ji~.,. .' ..:. . .'.' s" " ; 2 i 2>,~, 2 2 i,, " ~2."'2"'.2.2.,"~.~l . ff5~ ": " ": ~ ''5 ~ :': ''-C i ''..~''", "'''''''<~. :'"..:-'" -'": 3 :, :~::.::::,: ::j,:::::: :.:: .:: :.:.::: ::. : s .',.::.:.:.:.,).::::: :::::::.':::::: ::': -:: :::::, :::::$::::,:,:,::::::.~.:::::.:.:> .'':: '.': .':s::::~::: :Y f..2:'2...-,;," 2, 2''';.':.'.,.5 2 ' .'', O2'.-.''2 ''';' ''' 5': '' '' '' ' ::'>s''.f' ~:"':" ':' "' ' . 'i~ ~, ,,, ,,,,, sic.. ~i ~,,,,,,, $, ',',, >, - - . ,:3i ,,:,: ,j,~ , i~.- .-, -~ ,,,,.,,,,-., .:::,,,,,:i.:,{.'j',f',ff~:::;:,::: . :5:'~,::: 5:::,:~'.,j2:.:"".::',.i::',::::::,:: :-;' ':: .: :' >-i'-f S~if-~f ifffff~-~- ~ ''''' i:,.,2,.,.i$"."~ .,,',,,,.,i.'5,~"."." $. '"'"''""'"'-.''''''"" $'""''"'''" "'":'"'''" ""'''"' ' ' '' - ''""'-" ''~'' $,,,, i X2'22' .2''''i,',,,:.2.2,'.". "'~.':.2..."..:2." ;,',, . " '': ':: ""` '~'' '''"" " i.'.2} f $. . ."i2."2 .2 S '~ "> . ~ .~,.,2 ~'~,., 's' ,",' :' j i: -: : :' $ .:.::' .. , ,, ., ~ . '~'. .' :. ' '1.,. .'.' , .. FIGURE 5-1 Spatial concentration of the elites of Santiago, Chile. Wealthier neighborhoods are depicted in darker shading. SOURCE: Sabatini and Arenas (2000~. Of Buenos Aires are situated far from poor neighborhoods but close to the main transport routes. A recent analysis of poverty and inequality in Argentina demonstrates that there are great differences in the quality of basic infrastructure among the neigh- borhoods of greater Buenos Aires. Inequality as measured by differences in pro- vision of basic services (water, sanitation, and housing) is three times greater than inequality measured in terms of education and health status. These striking intraurban differentials illustrate the insights that can be derived from a focus on neighborhoods (Cohen, 2002~. Another spatial dimension to be considered is the situation of small relative to large cities. As noted earlier, there are a number of reasons to believe that economic conditions in small cities are often worse than those in large cities,

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DIVERSITY AND INEQUALITY ... .. . . . is. :.~..~.. . ~ - The Great Buenos-Aires :~/~: Agglomeration in 1991 i .- - ~. ~ ~ . ~ : .. a> a- ~ ~~ ~) :~: ': it: Y' K -,, - :: :'N : <~ / ,. :'~: }./ :~::: :: .,::-- ~Y' 159 FIGURE 5-2 Increase in the number of gated communities in Buenos Aires in the l990s. SOURCE: Torres (2001~. . . Q:: -. ., ~ T . ..v ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ,. . .. ~~ ~ a: ~~ ~ ~ If: High : ^ ~ ~` ~ ~ A.: ' ~ ~ ~ . ~ Medium '[ (.~ ~ .. / Low FIGURE 5-3 A number of gated communities lie adjacent to poor neighborhoods in Buenos Aires. SOURCE: Torres (2001~.

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160 60 - 40 - c~ _, (in o Q 20 - o O- CITIES TRANSFORMED Abidjan C1 Other Cities . ~ - T 1 1984 1987 1990 1993 1996 1999 Year FIGURE 5-4 Poverty in Abidjan compared with that in the secondary cities of Cote d'Ivoire, 1985-1995. SOURCE: Grimm, Guenard, and Mesplee-Somps (2002~. at least on average. Some evidence to this effect is available for Cote d'Ivoire. For the period 1985-1998, Figure 5-4 shows the levels and trends in poverty in Abidjan relative to those in the country's secondary cities. (Point estimates are given with their confidence bands.) As can be seen, the proportion of residents estimated to be living on less than US$2 per day has consistently been lower in Abidjan than in the smaller cities. Through the mid-199Os, macroeconomic deterioration drove up the poverty rates of Abidjan along with those of secondary cities, but never erased Abidjan's advantage. We report evidence of such smaller- city disadvantages throughout this chapter. HUMAN CAPITAL: SCHOOLING As a principal measure of human capital, adult educational attainment is of funda- mental importance to incomes and socioeconomic standing. Figure 5-5 depicts the distributions of schooling in urban and rural areas, and Table 5-1 provides further region-specific detail.) It is not surprising to see that the average level of schooling iThe figure and table present summaries of estimates from 61 surveys fielded by the DHS pro- gram in 44 developing countries between 1985 and 1999 (see Table C-1 in Appendix C for a list of

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DIVERSI~AND INEQUALITY 40 - 30 - 20- 10 O- 161 Rural Urban l...................... l...................... l...................... l...................... l...................... l...................... l...................... l....................... l....................... l....................... l....................... l....................... None ,...................... ,...................... ,...................... ,...................... ,...................... ,...................... ,...................... ,...................... ,...................... ,...................... ,...................... - ............ ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... - ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... ....................... 1"""""""""""" 1'''''''''''2 1'''''''''''2 1'''''''''''2 1'''''''''''2 1'''''''''''2 1'''''''''''2 Primary Secondary Incomplete Primary Incomplete Secondary Higher ........... ....................... l ....................... l ....................... l ....................... l 1 l 1 _ Level of Completed Schooling FIGURE 5-5 Completed schooling for adults, rural and urban areas. See footnote 1. is higher in urban than in rural areas, with higher percentages of urban adults hav- ing secondary schooling or more, and lower percentages having no schooling. But to focus on the extremes of these educational distributions is to overlook another important feature: the urban distribution is less concentrated than the rural, with appreciable percentages of urban adults appearing in each of the educational cat- egories. Here is evidence of an urban advantage higher levels of schooling on average coupled with evidence of greater urban diversity. Urban/rural differences in education stem from many causes. Among these, we would single out migration because it is known to be selective of those with higher levels of schooling. A portion of the urban/rural difference might well be due to the outmigration of better-educated, formerly rural residents.2 As will be seen later in this chapter, however, urban children have strikingly higher levels of school enrollment than their rural counterparts. Hence, the urban/rural differences shown above must also reflect long-standing differences in educational invest- ments between the countryside and the city. countries). The estimates refer to both women and men. The numbers shown are based on survey- specific estimates, which are weighted so that an estimate from a country with two surveys receives a weight that is one-half that of a country with only one survey. Estimates from countries with three or four surveys are similarly downweighted. This is our practice throughout the report. Note, however, that the number of surveys and countries varies depending on what is being analyzed. Educational attainment is measured in the DHS household modules, but before the recent rounds of the DHS pro- gram, not all surveys included education questions for all household members. Although fertility data are available for 90 surveys, adult educational data are available for far fewer surveys. 2 Unfortunately, we cannot isolate the migration component. DHS surveys generally do not iden- tify the former residences of adults in the household, other than the woman selected for the main interview.

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162 TABLE 5- 1 Adult Educational Attainment, Rural and Urban Areas CITIES TRANSFORMED DHS Percentage of Adults with Surveys Some Complete Some Complete in Regiona None Primary Primary Secondary Secondary Higher North Rural 59.5 14.0 4.9 11.5 7.7 2.4 Africa Urban 28.0 13.6 9.9 22.9 15.0 10.7 Sub- Rural 51.5 27.6 9.7 9.5 1.2 0.5 Saharan Urban 27.7 22.5 13.3 27.2 5.9 3.8 Africa Southeast Rural 11.0 26.7 25.6 20.5 12.0 5.7 Asia Urban 3.9 11.9 17.2 27.0 26.6 17.8 South, Rural 33.2 8.4 9.9 17.2 26.3 5.0 Central, Urban 17.3 6.6 8.5 22.8 27.0 17.8 West Asia Latin Rural 23.8 41.3 15.4 13.8 4.0 1.7 America Urban 7.9 21.2 13.9 28.5 15.1 13.3 TOTAL Rural 41.0 26.3 11.4 12.4 7.1 2.0 Urban 20.7 18.5 12.6 26.4 13.0 9.4 a Number of countries surveyed: North Africa, 2; sub-Saharan Africa, 23; Southeast Asia, 2; South, Central, and West Asia, 8; Latin America, 9; all regions, 44. Why does educational diversity matter? In Chapter 2 we referred to the eco- nomic and social theories that draw out its implications. The collective social- ization theory of Coleman (1988) and Wilson (1987) posits that educated adults may wield beneficial influence in poor neighborhoods; the economic theories of Jacobs (1969), Rauch (1993), and Moretti (2000) suggest that economic interac- tions between the better and less educated may generate positive externalities in city labor markets and firms. What is central to these theories, but missing from Figure 5-5, is the aspect of interaction. It is one thing to note that cities contain a diversity of educational levels, but quite another to say that adults with differ- ent levels of education commonly interact, whether in their social or economic relations. Spatial segregation and exclusion no doubt inhibit interaction, but indi- viduals may interact in their workplaces and other settings across a metropolitan region. (Measuring such interactions is admittedly difficult.) Still, the mere pres- ence of educational diversity in cities raises the possibility of beneficial spillovers in city neighborhoods and labor markets. Comparing educational attainment across city size classes (see Figure 5-6), we find that adults living in large cities (especially in those of 1 million or more popu- lation) tend to have acquired more schooling than those in small cities and towns. This is easily seen in the percentages having secondary and higher schooling.

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DIVERSI~AND INEQUALITY 40 - 30 - 20- 10 - o 163 Under 100,000 100,000-500,000 ~ 500,000-1 million 1~ 1 1-5 million I I Over 5 million ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ ........ . 1 ..... :-:-:-: _ .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .:.:.:.: :::::::: . 11 1 .......... . L .......... 1"""" ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ ..... ........ 1 ma.. _ ........ ........ i ........ ........ . ........ ........ . ........ ........ . ........ ........ . ........ ......... ........ ..... ........ ........ . T _ . . ~ , - ~ ............ ........ 1 ............ ........ 1 ....... ........ 1 ......... ........ 1 ......... ........ 1 ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ......... ,~ . .,.,.,.,. . ~ _ _ None Primary Secondary Incomplete Primary Incomplete Secondary Higher Level of Completed Schooling FIGURE 5-6 Completed schooling for adults, rural and urban areas by city size. Again, however, there is evidence of substantial diversity in schooling levels, even in the larger cities. For the 16 countries having two or more DHS surveys, we are able to examine changes over time in the educational attainment of adults.3 Over the period be- tween surveys about 5 years on average there was a decline in the percentage of adults having no schooling or at most incomplete primary schooling. In 11 of the 16 countries, the percentage of adults with no schooling fell in both rural and urban areas, with the rural decline generally being larger than the urban. In 7 countries, the percentage of adults with incomplete primary education also de- clined in both rural and urban areas, but here the decline tended to be larger in urban areas. Examining the other end of the educational distribution, we find that the percentage of adults with higher schooling increased in 9 countries, with the urban increase again being greater than the rural on average, and much the same was true at the level of completed secondary schooling. In summary, where the trends in adult schooling can be examined, the data show that the relative situation of rural and urban populations remains much as it is portrayed in Figure 5-5: an urban advantage on average, together with greater urban diversity. 3 The countries are Bangladesh, Bolivia, Cameroon, Colombia, the Dominican Republic, Egypt, Ghana, Guatemala, Indonesia (where three time points can be compared), Kenya, Madagascar, Niger, Peru, the Philippines, Tanzania, and Zambia.

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164 CITIES TRANSFORMED URBAN WELL-BEING: CONCEPTS AND MEASURES The path from educational attainment to living standards and well-being is com- plex and indirect, involving, among other things, many mediating institutions and policies. Although education data are helpful in understanding socioeconomic di- versity, they inevitably tell something less than the full story. This section takes up the problem of how to define urban living standards, treating the issues in broad, conceptual terms, but commenting in passing on measurement concerns to be discussed at length later. A glance at the literature shows that the conceptualization of urban poverty by researchers is increasingly diverging from the methods used by governments to measure it. Recent research has taken to describing poverty in multidimensional terms, even as the official poverty measures continue to be expressed in highly simplified, unidimensional terms. Poverty measures typically take the form of income-based or consumption-based poverty lines, with the thresholds defined mainly in terms of food consumption. Such restricted definitions testify to the difficulties involved in measuring poverty's multiple dimensions, but they can also distort understanding of its causes and may unnecessarily narrow the scope for intervention on the part of local and international agencies. Box 5.1 lists some of the key dimensions of urban poverty identified in the lit- erature.4 Although we emphasize its implications for urban poverty, this research owes a great deal to studies of rural poverty (see especially Chambers, 1983, 1995; Beck, 1994~. The roles of income and assets are central and well recognized in the new research, but other dimensions of poverty are also singled out for considera- tion. A leading example is a lack of voice within political systems that keeps the concerns of the poor from being heard; another example is the poor's inadequate security and lack of protection from violence, theft, and fraud. It is the multiplicity of deprivations and the connections among them that char- acterize the circumstances of many urban poor. As Navarro (2001) notes, a low- income family with only one income earner living in an illegal settlement on a flood plain cannot really be said to have three distinct problems (low income, 4This box draws on a typology developed by Baulch (1996) to describe rural poverty, modified to reflect the dimensions of poverty that are common in urban areas. It is meant only to illustrate dif- ferent aspects of urban poverty; others could certainly be added. The multiple aspects of poverty are described by Moser (1993, 1996, 1998), Moser, Herbert, and Makonnen (1993), Amis (1995), Wrat- ten (1995), Rakodi (1995), Satterthwaite (1996b), and Anzorena, Bolnick, Boonyabancha, Cabannes, Hardoy, Hasan, Levy, Mitlin, et al. (1998), among others. Perhaps the best-known of the multidimensional indices is the Human Poverty Index (HPI), devel- oped by the United Nations Development Programme and introduced in the 1997 Human Development Report (United Nations Development Program, 1997b). This index, generally applied to national pop- ulations but sometimes to population subgroups, takes three factors of poverty into account: vulnera- bility to death before age 40; the illiteracy rate, and the standard of living, this last being measured on the basis of access to health services and safe water and the percentage of children under age 5 who are malnourished.

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DIVERSITY AND INEQUALITY 165 BOX 5.1 The Multiple Dimensions of Urban Poverty Income and consumption Poverty is conventionally defined in terms of incomes that are inadequate to permit the purchase of necessities, including food and safe water in sufficient quantity. Because incomes can be transitory and are difficult to measure, levels of consumption are often used as indicators of the longer-term component of income. Assets The nature of household assets also bears on the longer-term aspects of poverty and the degree to which households are shielded from risk. A household's assets may be inadequate, unstable, difficult to convert to monetized form, or subject to economic, weather-related, or political risks; access to credit may be restricted or loans available only at high rates of interest. For many of the urban poor, significant proportions of income go to repay debts (see, e.g., Amis and Kumar, 2000~. Time costs Conventional poverty lines do not directly incorporate the time needed for low-income households to travel to work or undertake other essential tasks. Such households often try to reduce their monetary expenditures on travel by walking or enduring long commutes (Moser, 19964. Time costs also affect the net value of some goods and services. Shelter Shelter may be of poor quality, overcrowded, or insecure. Public infrastructure Inadequate provision of public infrastructure (piped water, sanita- tion, drainage, roads, and the like) can increase health burdens, as well as the time and money costs of employment. Other basic services There can be inadequate provision of such basic services as health care, emergency services, law enforcement, schools, day care, vocational training, and communication. Safety nets There may be no social safety net to secure consumption, access to shelter, and health care when incomes fall. Protection of rights The rights of poor groups may be inadequately protected, there being a lack of effective laws and regulations regarding civil and political rights, occupa- tional health and safety, pollution control, environmental health, violence and crime, discrimination, and exploitation. Political voice The poor's lack of voice and their powerlessness within political and bureaucratic systems may leave them with little likelihood of receiving entitlements and little prospect that organizing and making demands on the public sector will produce a fair response. The lack of voice also refers to an absence of means to ensure accountability from public, private, and nongovernmental agencies. insecure tenure, and exposure to environmental risk) its difficulties are manifes- tations of a fundamental deprivation. Of course, if the multiple dimensions of poverty were always so closely related, a single poverty measure might suffice to identify poor households. Why, then, is it necessary to elaborate on each of the multiple dimensions?

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188 CITIES TRANSFORMED BOX 5.8 The Economic Transition in Kyrgyzstan: Bishkek and the Secondary Cities Compared A number of the countries once part of the Soviet Union have experienced large declines in living standards. In Kyrgyzstan a series of surveys allows the determinants of earnings to be studied over the periods of chaos, stagnation, and nascent recovery (Anderson and Becker, 2001~. The study shows that Bishkek, the national capital, is apparently more resilient than the secondary cities. Kyrgyzstan weathered a loss in gross domestic product of 50-60 percent following the collapse of the Soviet Union, and per capita income today is only about US $300 at official exchange rates. For the nation as a whole, poverty rates peaked in 1996. Since then Bishkek has experienced declining levels of poverty. The situation in the secondary cities, however, is mixed: they have a lower incidence of poverty than rural areas (in partic- ular, lower levels of extreme poverty), but there is no clear time trend and apparently little prospect for long-term improvement. Bishkek's resilience is evidently due to its skilled workforce, the favorable composition of its industries, and the fact that it is Kyrgyzstan's entry point for international trade and foreign aid. CHILDREN'S LIVES Children's lives reflect many of the aspects of inequality and diversity discussed in this chapter. This section begins by focusing on children's schooling, which is a measure of the human capital that governments and families invest in children. (Child health and survival are examined in Chapter 7.) Earlier in this chapter, we presented evidence of a decided urban advantage in adult schooling. Here we ask whether urban residence is also associated with higher levels of investment in children's education. We investigate whether children in relatively poor urban families are at a disadvantage by comparison with other urban children and ex- amine their position relative to rural children. We then explore what is known about a subpopulation of urban children who suffer from serious deprivation- street children. We show that urban children as a group are advantaged and that poor urban children retain some of that advantage by comparison with rural chil- dren. However, street children are burdened not only by poverty, but also by the special social and health risks to which urban life exposes them. School Enrollments in Urban Areas The tables and figures that follow show enrollment proportions for two age groups of children: those aged 9-10, who are of an age to be enrolled in primary school, and those aged 15-16, whose enrollment rates are likely to reflect a mix of the late primary, middle, and early secondary school levels.2i For both age groups, Table 5-6 shows strikingly large differences in enrollment between urban and rural children. On average, the difference is on the order of 2iThese analyses are based on 62 DHS surveys from 45 countries; see Table C-l in Appendix C.

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DIVERSITY AND INEQUALITY TABLE 5-6 Percentages of Children Enrolled at Ages 9-10 and 15-16, Rural and Urban Areas DHS Surveys in Region North Africa Sub-Saharan Africa Southeast Asia South, Central, West Asiaa Latin America Proportions of Children Enrolled Number of Aged 9-10 Aged 15-16 Countries Rural Urban Rural Urban 66.6 57.3 75.0 67.0 76.7 2 23 2 8 9 61.7 91.7 57.1 78.6 93.1 97.0 79.4 90.2 84.8 93.4 33.8 39.3 57.2 51.6 48.6 TOTAL 44 68.9 85.3 44.0 64.3 a India (1992) collected enrollment data only for children aged 6-14. 189 16 percentage points for the 9-10 age group and reaches nearly 20 percentage points for those aged 15-16. In Latin America, only 49 percent of rural children are enrolled at the latter ages, whereas almost 77 percent of urban children are still in school at those ages. Focusing on variation in enrollment rates by city population size, we find smaller differences than those seen in the urban/rural comparisons. Table 5-7 presents the city size findings. As one might expect, enrollment rates in the small- est cities are somewhat lower than in the larger cities, but the differences are on TABLE 5-7 Enrollment Percentages for Urban Children, by City Population Size DHS Surveys in Region City Population Size Under 100,000 to 500,000 to 1 to Over 100,000 500,000 1 million 5 million 5 million Enrollment at Ages 9-10 North Africa 90.5 93.2 93.4 91.7 93.8 Sub-Saharan Africa 75.3 79.6 85.9 83.7 95.7 Southeast Asia 97.4 96.1 96.3 98.7 97.5 South, Central, West Asia 86.1 90.5 90.7 91.6 87.5 Latin America 92.5 92.8 95.0 95.1 97.2 TOTAL 82.6 86.6 90.6 90.4 92.9 Enrollment at Ages 15-16 North Africa 64.5 69.3 67.2 63.2 77.9 Sub-Saharan Africa 56.4 57.9 60.6 55.2 70.7 Southeast Asia 70.4 78.2 74.1 73.9 79.2 South, Central, West Asia 61.2 68.6 68.2 66.4 52.7 Latin America 74.0 76.9 79.0 80.3 85.6 TOTAL 61.9 66.0 68.6 66.7 70.7 NOTE: See note to Table 5-6.

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190 CITIES TRANSFORMED TABLE 5-8 Predicted Enrollment for Children Aged 15-16 by Residence and, for Urban Areas, by Relative Poverty DHS Surveys All Urban Urban in Region Rural Poor Nonpoor North Africa 33.4 47.4 72.4 Sub-Saharan Africa 39.0 42.9 61.5 Southeast Asia 58.8 63.0 80.3 South, Central, West Asia 43.2 44.2 67.0 Latin America 50.7 66.2 82.1 TOTAL 42.7 49.0 67.9 NATE: See note to Table 5-6. Estimates based on probit models with controls for child's age and sex in rural areas and for age, sex, and city size in urban areas. Some surveys employed in Table 5-6 could not be used in analyses of poverty, causing the rural estimates shown above to differ slightly from those of the earlier table. the order of 9 percentage points for younger children and 6 percentage points for older children. In sub-Saharan Africa, however, the enrollment differences are much larger nearly 20 and 13 points for the younger and older groups of chil- dren, respectively.22 Table 5-8 explores the implications of urban poverty for levels of school enrollment, presenting a comparison of urban poor children, their urban peers from nonpoor households, and rural children. We find that poor urban children are more likely to be enrolled than rural children, but less likely to be enrolled than nonpoor urban children.23 As was the case with public service provision, the urban poor generally occupy the middle position. Note, however, that in sub- Saharan Africa and both regions of Asia, the margin of difference between the urban poor and rural children is very thin. To judge by enrollment rates, poor ur- ban children are not receiving much more in the way of human capital investment than children in the countryside. This finding is dismaying in view of its impli- cations for urban inequality in the future. Table 5-9 provides further evidence on the situation of poor children, with attention to differences by sex. Although there are important differences in enrollment between girls and boys, these differences are not as large as those associated with poverty, which apply with nearly equal force to both sexes.24 22These differences by city size are usually statistically significant they are significant in 46 of 58 surveys for enrollment at ages 9-10 and in 50 of 58 surveys for those aged 15-16. 23 The contrast between urban poor children and urban nonpoor children is almost always statisti- cally significant, being so in 53 of the 57 DHS surveys in which the test could be performed. 24Statistical significance tests were applied to the poverty and sex variables in an effort to discrimi- nate among the four categories shown in the table. The results indicate a strong main effect for poverty in all regions, with poor children less likely to enroll. Enrollment rates for poor boys are significantly different from those for nonpoor boys in 52 of 63 surveys; rates for poor girls are statistically different

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DIVERSITY AND INEQUALITY TABLE 5-9 Predicted Enrollment for Urban Children Aged 15-16 by Relative Poverty and Child's Sex 191 Poor Poor Nonpoor Nonpoor DHS Surveys Urban Urban Urban Urban in Region Girls Boys Girls Boys North Africa 43.3 51.2 69.7 75.1 Sub-Saharan Africa 37.7 48.2 55.1 68.4 Southeast Asia 64.2 62.1 78.1 82.8 South, Central, West Asia 38.4 49.2 62.2 71.8 Latin America 65.8 66.7 81.2 83.2 TOTAL 45.0 52.9 63.3 72.9 NOTE: See note to Table 5-6. Estimates based on probit models with controls for city size, the child's age, household poverty status, and their interaction in urban areas. In summary, there can be little doubt of an urban advantage in children's school enrollment. The source of this advantage is less clear. Family background must have a strong influence; we saw earlier that the average level of adult school- ing is higher in urban areas, and this is surely associated with higher levels of children's schooling. In addition, urban residence can be associated with higher enrollment because urban areas are better equipped with schools than rural ar- eas. At the primary school level, the urban/rural differences in the availability of schools are far less important than they once were, although substantial dif- ferences remain in many countries. However, at the middle and secondary school levels, and certainly where tertiary schooling is concerned, access to schools is decidedly greater in the urban areas of many, and perhaps most countries. As dis- cussed in Chapter 2, the presence of more-educated adults in cities may present urban parents with more role models exemplifying the implications of human cap- ital investments, as well as more opportunities for social learning. These urban social interactions could well enhance the perceived returns to children's school- ing. Better-educated adults are not distributed uniformly across the urban space, however; they are less likely to be encountered in city neighborhoods of concen- trated disadvantage. Street Children Street children must represent an extreme in terms of urban disadvantage. A1- though they are a highly visible presence in many developing-country cities, little is known of the total numbers of such children, their characteristics and origins, and the long-term consequences of their life on the street. Researchers agree that from those for nonpoor boys in 54 of 63 surveys. The enrollment difference by sex is more prominent among the nonpoor than among the poor. Among nonpoor boys and girls, the male-female enrollment difference is significant in 43 of 63 surveys. Among the poor, however, it is more difficult to distinguish enrollment rates for poor girls from those for poor boys; the contrast is significant in 26 of 63 surveys.

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192 CITIES TRANSFORMED two characteristics of street children must be taken into account where they sleep and the amount of family contact they have but have not yet reached a consen- sus on matters of sampling and measurement. This lack of agreement on methods hinders generalization and leaves room for substantial imprecision in determining who is and who is not a street child. UNICEF distinguishes among three types of children: children of the street, who live and sleep on the street; children on the street, who spend most of their time on the street with little adult supervision but sleep at home; and a broader category of which these two are subsets, denoted children at high risk, consisting of those who live in absolute poverty with little adult supervision (tusk, 1989~. This three-part classification has been widely adopted by researchers and policy makers and helps clarify important differences among children. Unfortunately, the implementation of these concepts in research protocols has been inconsistent. Further methodological difficulties arise from the transient and elusive nature of street children's lives their circulation among shelters, homes, and the streets- which makes them very difficult to study. The result is that researchers often adopt different definitions of street children and employ different sampling strategies. Research on street children remains largely descriptive, based on small, lo- calized studies of doubtful generalizability. Few studies make use of sampling techniques that permit statistical tests or introduce controls for confounding fac- tors. Likewise, few studies make use of comparison groups, either comparing street children from different neighborhoods or comparing them with non-street children. The lack of well-specified comparison groups makes it difficult to situ- ate street children in a larger context and to separate the risks and consequences of life on the street from the more general disadvantages of poverty (for exceptions, see Gross, Landried, and Herman, 1996; Panter-Brick, Todd, and Baker, 1996~. Researchers agree that the number of street children is all but impossible to assess with rigor. Obstacles are presented by definitional problems, the mo- bility of the population, the lack of reliable data, widespread use of purposive sampling techniques, and the fact that many street children elude detection or give inaccurate information when interviewed (Aptekar,1994~. Nevertheless, the available evidence suggests that the number of street children is large and may well be growing. An often-cited 1989 estimate by UNICEF gives a global total of 100 million street children (Barker and Knaul, l991~. This total includes children of the street, as well as those who work on the street. An estimated 40 million of these children live in Latin America, some 25 to 30 million in Asia, and 10 million in Africa (Barker and Knaul, l991~. For children living and sleeping on the street, the estimated total is about 10 million. Demographic profile Over half of the street children in most studies report sleeping at home, which in the UNICEF classification defines them to be children "on" the street. Among those who sleep away from home, most give the street as their residence, though

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DIVERSITY AND INEQUALITY 193 others report staying in shelters or with friends. Even among children who do not sleep at home, many report that they maintain some contact with their families, often remitting a portion of their earnings to parents or other family members. The spells of time children spend on the street vary greatly in length, but it appears that most street children, particularly those "of" the street, spend several years in this situation. The majority of street children are boys. Girls also work and live on the street, but when children of the street are considered, the great majority are boys. This imbalance is probably due to gender differences in the socialization of chil- dren, different opportunities for work, the greater vulnerability of girls to physical and sexual assault, and the better protection they sometimes receive (Aptekar and Ciano-Federoff, 1 999; Martins and Ebrahim, 1 995 ). Most street children are in their early adolescence, with the modal age being about 13 years. Children of the street have a mean age of 15-16; they are slightly older on average than children who are on the street. Studies often define the upper age limit of street children to be 18 years; when they pass this threshold, street children are redefined as working or homeless adults. Just over half of street children either live with or come from intact birth fami- lies; the next most common family background includes single-mother families and families containing partners of the child's parents (i.e., stepparents or the equivalent). Contrary to what might be supposed, relatively few street children are orphans, with the percentage of orphans being higher among children of the street than among those on the street. Most street children have attended school at some point, although few have gone so far as to complete primary school, and of course very few remain in school. It is difficult to assess their literacy. Despite a lack of schooling, many street children are numerate, and many are sufficiently entrepreneurial to have acquired critical economic and survival skills. Life on the street and its consequences There can be no doubt that life is harsh and brutalizing for children who live and work on the street. They are exposed to pollution, disease, harassment, abuse, and violence. They generally earn meager wages and are often forced into exploitative or dangerous occupations. They face a constant challenge in finding food, toilet and bathing facilities, and a protected place to sleep. Because of their poverty and exposed living conditions, street children also tend to have many health afflic- tions. Infectious diseases, particularly respiratory illnesses and skin conditions, are pervasive in this population (Mejia-Soto, 1998; Senanayake, Ranasinghe, and Balasuriya, 1998; Wright, Kaminsky, and Wittig, 1993~. Moreover, street chil- dren lack access to health care; some are suspicious of the health care system and actively resist treatment (Reddy,1992~. Street children also engage in activities that put them at risk for other health problems. Alcohol and drug use is widespread in this population; many of the

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194 CITIES TRANSFORMED children use inhalants (mostly glue) and tobacco (Campos, Raffaelli, and Ude, 1994; Forster, Tannhauser, and Barros, 1996; Wittig, Wright, and Kaminsky,1997~. Street children also have sexual intercourse at younger ages (whether willingly or as the consequence of coercion), and they tend to engage in riskier sexual be- haviors (e.g., prostitution, multiple partners, infrequent condom use) than those of non-street children of similar ages (Eisenstein and de Aquino, 1992; Swart- Kruger and Richter, 1997~. These behaviors are much more prevalent in children who are of the street. Only a handful of studies have compared street children with other poor and nonpoor children of similar ages. Although the nutritional status of street children can be a problem, they are often found to be healthier than poor children who are not on the street (Gross, Landried, and Herman, 1996; Panter-Brick, Todd, and Baker, 1996~. When they can, street children make use of their varied repertoire of survival and entrepreneurial skills, and their own social networks, to meet basic needs. Although many street children are at great risk for a variety of health problems, at least one study finds that street children in Chandigarh, a medium- sized city in India, learn a variety of useful life skills and coping mechanisms from their work and play in the streets. Their developmental maturity in terms of survival skills is high, but other measures of physical and mental health give cause for concern, and of course the future opportunities for street children are likely to be severely limited (Verma, l999~. Origins and causes Life on the street is the outcome of many factors, some of these being society- wide and others the result of family and personal circumstances. Given the thin research base, researchers can do no more at present than to speculate about the most important causes. There is agreement that many societal factors increasing urbanization and migration, economic recession, civil unrest, conflict, famine, high levels of HIV/AIDS contribute, intensifying poverty and disrupting house- hold structure (Aptekar, 1994; Barker and Knaul, 1991; Martins and Ebrahim, 1995; Rizzini, 1998~. Likewise, researchers agree that there are many factors involved at the family level poverty, family conflict and dissolution, and both physical and sexual abuse. Street children themselves most often cite poverty or the need to find work as their motivation for leaving home, although family dis- ruptions and conflicts, abandonment by or death of parents, and a desire for "street life" also come into play. Many researchers describe street life as the product of combinations of factors (Aptekar and Ciano-Federoff, 1999; Matchinda, 1999), but little is known of the critical stress points and thresholds. Interventions Policy makers, human rights activists, and NGOs are paying growing attention to street children. In governmental policies and programs for children and families,

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DIVERSITY AND INEQUALITY 195 street children are increasingly identified as a group with special needs (tusk, 1989; Agrawal, 1999~. At one time, institutionalization and rehabilitation efforts were proposed as the main interventions, but emphasis is now being given to pro- grams focused on basic needs, skill development and training, counseling, and related services. Many current programs engage volunteers or "street educators" who enter the communities of street children to provide them with assistance and services. The change in intervention strategies reflects a shift in the conceptualization of street children. If formerly they were viewed as a "deviant population," they are now being seen as an "at-risk" population. Multisector and multilevel interven- tions, particularly at the community level, are being promoted, and the emphasis is moving, albeit gradually, to prevention efforts aimed at combating poverty and strengthening families. Programs are beginning to target the aspects of street life that are particularly risky, including HIV/AIDS prevention, drug and alcohol in- tervention, and prevention of violence (Crane and Carswell, 1992; World Health Organization, 1997~. Some researchers argue that, when considered in relation to their numbers, street children may now be receiving disproportionate attention compared with other disadvantaged children (MacArthur, 1993~. The fact that the health of street children is often no worse than that of other poor children is compelling testi- mony to the many disadvantages of poverty from which all poor children suffer. Yet street children are undoubtedly seriously disadvantaged, and their elusiveness means that many of them are neither offered nor receive the services they are due. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS If within the compass of urban life one finds both street children and the gated communities of the rich, inequality and diversity must be among its defining features. This chapter has explored intraurban and interurban differences in social and economic characteristics. By training an urban lens on human capital invest- ment, poverty and well-being, access to basic services, risk and vulnerability, and the lives of children, we have sought a better understanding of urban/rural differ- ences and intraurban diversity. Our main findings can be summarized in broad strokes: in the dimensions analyzed here, urban residents are better off on aver- age than rural residents; residents of smaller cities are generally disadvantaged by comparison with those of larger cities, although advantaged by comparison with rural villagers; and the urban poor suffer from deprivations that can sometimes leave them no better off than rural residents, but generally situate them between rural residents and the urban nonpoor. In contemplating the rich array of concepts and methods being applied to the study of socioeconomic diversity in the cities of rich countries (Chapter 2), we are struck by the promise they hold for understanding the cities of poor countries. The concepts of neighborhood and social capital are well recognized in the literature

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196 CITIES TRANSFORMED on poor countries and are illustrated by many vivid urban examples. Less has been seen of social network analysis, and yet this perspective might fruitfully be applied to the study of job search in cities, to health-seeking behavior, and even to the survival strategies of street children. Although to date the analysis of neighborhoods and social capital has been conducted mainly through powerful and evocative case studies, we see no reason why statistical tools could not also be brought to bear once neighborhood data become available. Conclusions Access to public services The provision of basic services is much better in cities than in rural areas, but smaller cities are less well served than larger ones. The urban poor have signif- icantly less access to basic services than other urban residents. Analyses of the DHS surveys reveal that in almost every country surveyed, the average urban res- ident enjoys better access to basic public services piped drinking water, flush toilets, and electricity than the average rural resident. This finding is not sur- prising given differences in abilities to pay for services, government investment priorities, and (possibly) lower urban unit costs of service provision. Within and between urban areas, however, there are substantial differences in levels of basic service provision. Smaller urban areas especially those under 100,000 population are underserved by comparison with larger cities in all re- gions. With regard to intraurban differences, the urban poor are significantly ill served relative to other urban residents. The effects of urban poverty are strongly corroborated by microstudies of city slums and city-level reviews of service pro- vision. In the DHS survey data, which generally record migrant status only for women of reproductive age, there is surprisingly little evidence that households with recent migrants are disadvantaged in terms of service access. Human capital Urban educational levels are higher on average than rural levels, but the urban educational spectrum is also more diverse. Educational levels are higher on av- erage in larger than in smaller cities, but there is substantial diversity in cities of all sizes. It is to be expected that cities will have higher average levels of ed- ucational attainment than rural areas. But cities also exhibit greater educational diversity. Residents of larger cities (particularly cities of 1 million or more pop- ulation) have higher average levels of schooling compared with their counterparts in smaller urban centers. Important theories suggest that educational diversity can have beneficial social and economic effects, although these theories have not yet been tested in the cities of developing countries. Higher percentages of urban than rural children are enrolled in school, and enrollments are somewhat higher in larger than in smaller cities. In addition, urban poor children are much less likely than other urban children to be enrolled.

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DIVERSITY AND INEQUALITY 197 There is a decided urban advantage in children's school enrollment, which is likely attributable to differences in family background and access to schools. Although smaller cities have lower enrollment rates than the largest cities, these differences are not especially great except in sub-Saharan Africa. Poor urban children are also much less likely to be enrolled in school than other urban children, and in some regions (notably in sub-Saharan Africa), they are hardly more likely to be enrolled than children in the countryside. Poverty and well-being Urban poverty is being conceptualized in terms of multiple dimensions, many of which are not summarized by income and assets. Considering the income dimen- sion alone, the poverty lines currently being used in many developing countries appear to need substantial upward revision. The research literature increasingly points to a variety of dimensions of urban poverty, and yet the official methods used to measure poverty continue to be simplistic and one-dimensional. Other di- mensions should be considered, including shelter, access to public infrastructure and other basic services, safety nets, protection of rights, time costs, and politi- cal voice. Failure to recognize the multiple dimensions of poverty can skew un- derstanding of its causes and needlessly narrow the scope of poverty alleviation efforts. In addition, the official methods used to establish income-based poverty lines often fail to account adequately for locational differences in prices and the high proportion of income that many of the urban poor must spend on nonfood es- sentials, especially housing. Urban poverty may well be underestimated in many countries because of these methodological deficiencies. We cannot say, however, that urban poverty is underestimated relative to rural poverty, because formidable methodological and empirical problems prevent direct comparisons. Because they lack significant financial assets and are dependent on cash in- comes, the urban poor are left vulnerable to risks associated with economic shocks, political and social crises, and environmental hazards and disasters. Although low-income households are resilient and employ many coping mechanisms to ad- just, some are harder hit than others and less able to adapt. The loss of assets, homes, and primary income earners that comes in the wake of disasters and shocks can cause poor families to supply more labor, reduce or change consumption pat- terns, borrow, sell household assets, or even resort to prostitution or theft. Poor households are likely to send children to work, cut back on medical care, or restrict food consumption before turning to others for credit or charity. The consequences can be dire; many street children cite poverty and the need to earn money for their families as their main reason for living on the street. Recommendations The analysis presented in this chapter indicates several directions for policy and research in the areas of service delivery, data collection, and a research agenda

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198 CITIES TRANSFORMED on intraurban and interurban differences in social and economic well-being in low-income countries. Service delivery In the area of service delivery, we single out several elements of an agenda for basic public services, including water supply, sanitation, electricity, and education: . Reach the urban poor Improve services in smaller cities Increase the school enrollment rates of urban poor children; Create or strengthen social safety nets Data collection Where data collection is concerned, there is an urgent need for collating of available data on socioeconomic conditions within cities, with a particular focus on city neighborhoods and subdistricts. New data collec- tion efforts should also be encouraged, particularly data on access to ser- vices, income and assets, the multiple dimensions of poverty, and education that are comparable among and within cities. Surveys such as the DHS can make an important contribution, especially if measures of the reliability and adequacy of basic services (water supply, electricity, sanitation) can be enriched and made sensitive to urban circumstances. Community-level sur- veys also have a useful role to play. It is critical that these data be collected, and also that they be disseminated widely to policy makers and program managers at the national and local levels. It is disappointing that national statistical offices, which appear to be in the best position to supply spatially disaggregated data on their populations, have seldom done so in the past. The published data from national sources are notably weak in spatial terms. The importance of urban areas must be brought to the attention of the national statistical agencies, and they must bring their resources to bear by supplying adequate local data. Countries need to increase the availability of disaggregated social and economic data by social class, gender, age, and local area to inform policy makers and planners at the local level. These intraurban data-gathering mechanisms are needed to better understand the socioeconomic aspects of spatially con- centrated disadvantage, as well as the extent and nature of urban "slums," for which there is no current agreement on a generally accepted definition. Research Research is also needed on how to define and measure the multiple dimensions of poverty, how to identify vulnerable groups (with attention to migrants), and how to create linkages from poor urban communities to their governments and external sources of funds.