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Reducing Underage Drinking: A Collective Responsibility (2004)
Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education (DBASSE)

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. "13 Drinking and Coming of Age in a Cross-Cultural Perspective--Robin Room." Reducing Underage Drinking: A Collective Responsibility. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press, 2004.

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Reducing Underage Drinking: A Collective Responsibility

ences that are morally suspect, but legally tolerated in adults. In fact, laws on the protection of children are often the signal of a residual cultural disapproval of behaviors that were at some time not only immoral, but illegal for everyone.

There is also a generalized concern about joining the adult world “too early.” Holding a full-time job is not morally suspect and does not necessarily injure a child’s future status, but our cultural and legal systems forbid this level of employment below a given age. Where exceptions must be made, as for child actors, the U.S. system imposes elaborate legal restrictions and requirements in an attempt to ensure the actors have a “proper childhood.”

The proliferation of legal restrictions on behavior by chronological age is a relatively modern phenomenon. Age minimums for drinking, for example, mostly date back only to the post-Repeal era (Mosher, 1980). Differentiations of status in terms of life stages have a much longer and broader history. But the modern legal restrictions both express and encourage a cultural tendency to think of these status differentiations in a particular way: in terms of chronological age. In a strongly universalistic cultural and legal frame, a fixed chronological age applying to everyone is a legal definition of adulthood that is more comfortable and more easily defended than any criterion based on an individualized assessment of maturity or on a civil status (e.g., marriage) would be. Of course, a more universalistic standard for behaviors seen as inappropriate for children is to forbid them for everyone. Minimum age restrictions cannot exist, of course, for behaviors that also are illegal for adults, such as marijuana use.

Emancipation and Settling Down: The “Social Clock”

Part of growing up is to try out and to adopt new behaviors. Although the process is often fraught with anxiety for the person growing up, it is often even more anxiety producing for parents and other adults involved. This anxiety or disapproval may arise if the adolescent tries out the behavior at all. But often it is also about the age at which the behavior is adopted. Behavior that is seen as too “grown up” for one age may be accepted without too much fuss if it occurs at a later age.

In the context of discussions of social problems and youth, the focus tends to be on behaviors that are taken on “too young.” But in a wider frame, there is also growing unease if a young person does not try out and take on a behavior at what is believed to be an appropriate age. Failing to have a full-time job by the age of 25 may be seen as equally inappropriate as holding a full-time job at age 12. Sociologists talk of these normative standards for when a behavior or status should be taken on as the “social clock” (Neugarten, Moore, and Lowe, 1965). The normative standards for

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655
Front Matter (R1-R18)
Executive Summary (1-12)
1. Introduction: The Challenge (13-32)
I. Underage Drinking in the United States - 2. Characteristics of Underage Drinking (33-57)
3. Consquences of Underage Drinking (58-69)
4. Understanding Youth Drinking (70-86)
II. The Strategy - 5. Designing the Strategy (87-107)
6. National Media Campaign (108-124)
7. Alcohol Industry (125-144)
8. Entertainment Industries (145-157)
9. Access (158-184)
10. Youth-Oriented Interventions (185-215)
11. Communities (216-231)
12. Federal and State Governments (232-249)
References (250-282)
Appendix A: Statement of Task (283-283)
Appendix B: Agenda and Participants, October 10-11, 2002, Public Workshop (284-288)
Appendix C: Agenda and Participants, November 18, 2002, Open Committee Meeting and Public Forum (289-291)
Appendix D: Other Public Contributors (292-295)
Appendix E: Biographical Sketches of Committee Members and Staff (296-302)
Index (303-318)
1 The Epidemiology of Underage Drinking in the United States: An Overview--Robert L. Flewelling, Mallie J. Paschall, and Christopher Ringwalt (319-350)
2 Social, Health, and Economic Consequences of Underage Drinking--Ralph Hingson and Donald Kenkel (351-382)
3 Health Consequences of Adolescent Alcohol Involvement--Sandra A. Brown and Susan F. Tapert (383-401)
4 Developmental and Environmental Influences on Underage Drinking: A General Overview--Bonnie L. Halpern-Felsher and Michael Biehl (402-416)
5 Perceptions of Risk and Social Judgments: Biases and Motivational Factors--Janis E. Jacobs (417-436)
6 Alcohol Use and Misuse: Prevention Strategies with Minors--William Hansen and Linda Dusenbury (437-457)
7 Supply Side Approaches to Reducing Underage Drinking: An Assessment of the Scientific Evidence--Harold D. Holder (458-489)
8 Effectiveness of Sanctions and Law Enforcement Practices Targeted at Underage Drinking Not Involving Operation of a Motor Vehicle--Thomas L. Hafemeister and Shelly L. Jackson (490-540)
9 The Effects of Price on Alcohol Use, Abuse, and Their Consequences--Frank J. Chaloupka (541-564)
10 Media Intervention Impact: Evidence and Promising Strategies--Charles Atkin (565-596)
11 Alcohol in the Media: Drinking Portrayals, Alcohol Advertising, and Alcohol Consumption Among Youth--Joel W. Grube (597-624)
12 Alcohol Advertising and Promotion--David Jernigan and James O’Hara (625-653)
13 Drinking and Coming of Age in a Cross-Cultural Perspective--Robin Room (654-677)
14 Preventing Underage Drinking in American Indian and Alaska Native Communities: Contexts, Epidemiology, and Culture--Douglas K. Novins, Paul Spicer, Janette Beals, and Spero M. Manson (678-696)
15 Teen Treatment: Addressing Alcohol Problems Among Adolescents--Rosalind Brannigan, Mathea Falco, Linda Dusenbury, and William B. Hansen (697-715)
16 Youth Smoking Prevention Policy: Lessons Learned and Continuing Challenges--Paula M. Lantz (716-742)