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Sexuality Across the Life Course in the United States John H. Gagnon In all societies one of the major axes on which sexual life is ordered is the age of individuals as organized into a socially constructed life course (CIausen, 1972; Reigel and Meachum, 1976~. However, the timing in the life course in which various forms of sexual conduct will be learned, expressed, and disappear, and the relationship of sexual conduct to other aspects of social and psychological life vary from one society to another and from one period to another in the history of any specific society (Ford and Beach, 1951; Marshall and Suggs, 1971; Dover, 1978; Katz, 1983; Hermit, 1984; Duberman, 1986; D'Emilio ant! Fieeciman, 1988~. Thus not only does the patterning of sexuality even across such a relatively narrow life stage as adolescence differ in an advanced industrial society with a predominantly Jucleo-Christian religious tradition like the United States and in developing societies with differing religious traditions, but also important cliiTerences can be found in the sexual lives of adolescents in the United States and those in other Western inclustrial societies (Jones et al., 1986~. Similarly, differences in the sexual life of adolescents can be found across relatively short time spans in the history of the United States; one need only contrast the 1920s with the 1950s or either of these decades with the 1980s. As a result of this grounding in social and cultural processes, chronological age and the biological events associated with it rarely John H. Gagnon is in the Department of Sociology, State University of New York at Stony Brook. 500
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SEXUALITY ACROSS THE LIFE COURSE ~ 501 . directly explain sexual conduct. For example, the biological changes associated with puberty interact with the social and cultural con- texts that provide the framework for interpreting one's changing bodily characteristics and reproductive capacities (Gagnon and Si- mon, 1973~. In the same fashion, the social and cultural expectations about the appropriate levels of sexual activity for the elderly often shape the sexual declines associated with aging (Verwoercit et al., 1969; Brecher et al., 1984) Understanding that variations in sexual conduct are stratified by culturally defined life stage groupings floes not entail the acceptance of culturally universal sequences of human psychosocial development (Baltes and Brim, 1979~. The staging of the life course in any culture, and the sexual activities that are linked to it, depend on social constructions within cultures rather than on the automatic biological unfolding of the organism (Nardi, 1973; Neugartan and Datan, 1973; Uhlenberg, 1978~. Thus, in the United States, although the scripts for sexual conduct (the who, what, when, where, and why of conduct) and the interpersonal sexual networks through which they are expressed change across life course stages, both the sexual scripts and the networks can be matched only partially with age/stage periods in the life course (Gagnon, 1973; Simon ant! Gagnon, 1987~. The matching of life events to age/stage periods is most precise in strongly age-graded traditional societies with a relatively lim- ited set of irreversible role transitions across the life course (Kagan, 1980~. In industrial and postindustrial societies, such matchings of life events to age/stage periods seem most satisfactory early in life, which accounts for much of the success of age/stage variables in human development theory and research related to infancy and childhood. However, there is cross-cultural and historical evidence that even these early moments of the life course are not immune to change (for an instructive example, see Kett, 1978~. The complexity of life course stages has increaser! in the more advanced industrial societies. Both increases in discontinuities early in the life course (as a function of participation of sharply age- graclec! family and schooling practices) ant! a greater diffuseness of stage boundaries later in life (e.g., when relatively age-indepenclent patterns of affectional and sexual coupling and recoupling) can be observed. With increases in societal complexity and social mobil- ity, individuals turn out less often to be exactly what they might have been expected to be, given their life chances at birth (Brim and Wheeler, 1966~. In contrast to more traditional societies with limited adult role sets, limited rates of individual mobility, and slow rates
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502 ~ BACKGROUND PAPERS of sociocultural change, rapidly changing advanced industrial soci- eties are characterized by individuals with wider role networks and less predictable life courses. In such cultures, personality structures themselves might be expected to be more fluid. These differences in societies make it important to examine those social strata and experiences that crosscut age/stage periods and in- crease the variability of conduct within age and stage groupings. Some of these stratification systems begin early in life to allocate inclividuals into relatively fixed streams of individual development, isolating them from conventional life courses. For instance, some birth defects, when responded to by the society, often create specially segregated clusters of differentially ablest individuals with quite dif- ferent age/stage patterns. Other strata rest on characteristics such as race, religion, or the socioeconomic status of parents; sometimes this status is relatively easy to change, other times, it is not, depend- ing on the social context (Featherman, 1980~. Other stratifications that differentiate age groups appear later in life. College attendance by some young persons and going to work after high school by oth- ers often affirm prior, but less stringent, boundaries between young persons of different social classes in high school. Going to college or going to work creates new social ant] sexual networks that exclude former potential sexual partners and open slots for new ones. One important division in the society that is particularly relevant to sexuality and crosscuts all other strata, including age, is gender (Ross), 1985~. The gendering of social life has seemed so natural that it appeared to most to be part of the biological background. It is only through the efforts of feminist scholars, both women and men, to denaturalize the gender order and point out its social ori- gins, that one has been able to observe the importance of gender in structuring the conceptions of sexuality. Over the last 15 years there have been important changes in research and theorizing about gender and sexuality in most social science disciplines. In general, these reconsiderations have followed in a social constructionist tra- dition (Ortner ant! Whitehead, 1981; Tiefer, 1987), but important contributions have been made by those who have focused on what they consider to be "essential" differences between the genders and their sexuality (Rich, 1983~. Although much of this work has been theoretical or critical, important original empirical work has been published, particularly in social history. While it is not possible to review here in detail this extensive and theoretically rich literature, a number of points need! to be made in light of it (some important recent works are by Rubin,
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SEXUALITY ACROSS THE LIFE COURSE ~ 503 1975, 1984; English et al., 1981; Snitow et al., 1984; Vance, 1984; and CaTifia, whose works are cited in Rubin, 1984~. Such work points out the necessary considerations that must be given to gender differences in sexuality as they are "found" to exist across the life course. In some cases these differences will be illusory; in others they will be real, but culturally transient; in still others they will be functions of the interests, both scientific- ant! otherwise, of the observers. Such cautions should be kept in mind when considering the life course constructed below. Linked to the issue of gender is the problem of violence ant! its sequelae in the lives of women. Some of this violence involves sexual acts, but large amounts of violence against women may not be specif- ically sexual and still be consequential for their sexual lives. Making too sharp a distinction between sexual and nonsexual violence may conceal rather than illuminate both the origins and the consequences of gander-related violence(Strauset al., 1980;FinkeThoretal., 1983~. While some men are the victims of specifically sexual violence (perpe- trated almost exclusively by other men), this is not a routine aspect of men's lives. Relatively unexamined, however, is the nonsexual vi- olence between men (including games involving physical aggression), which is often traceable to the direct or indirect competition among men for the attention of, or access to, women. However, women of all ages, but more often the young, are relatively frequent targets of sexual coercion and violence (Groth, 1979; Russell, 1984~. From being forced by lovers and spouses to perform sexual acts they do not wish to perform to acts of sexual violence by strangers, the specter or the experience of violence related to sexuality is part of the back- ground of female sexuality. The climate of potential violence (heavily reinforcer! by, and represented in, the mass media), as well as the experience of actual violence by women, must have effects on their sexual lives. How to factor this climate and these individual events into a life course perspective on the sexual relations between women and men is not entirely obvious, but such experiences, on average, may be as important as other major life events (e.g., divorce) or life conditions (e.g., Tow income) in structuring women's sexuality. The most important stratification of individuals on specifically sexual grounds is the result of an erotic preference for persons of ei- t her the other or the same gender. This cleavage begins to be sharply felt by many in adolescence but often only becomes fully articulated in young adulthood. The social cleavage between those who prefer sex with the same gender and those who prefer sex with persons of the other gender is extremely complex and has undergone considerable
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504 ~ BACKGROUND PAPERS historical change since the end of World War II (D'Emilio, 1983~. It should be noted that many persons having ongoing sexual experi- ences with persons of the same gender do not think of themselves as gay, lesbian, or homosexual. Some of these persons have such sexual relations out of a variety of motives and in a variety of contexts, some of them subcultural. Thus, young men who have regular sex with women may intermittently sell themselves (usually their penis) to persons of the same gender for sex, never thinking of themselves as homosexual (Reiss, 1961~. Delinquents, young men in the military, young men down on their luck-, and working-cIass men in need of sexual outlet in absence of women may engage in such "homosexual" activity. Some men from some Latin cultures and some aggressive men in prisons do not discriminate between the gender of their sexual partners as long as they are in the active/insertive sexual role (Car- rier, 1976~. Such persons, and others that could be identified, are often described as bisexual, but this is much too simple, except as a purely behavioral identifier (Schwartz and Blumstein, 1977~. There are men who identify themselves as gay who have sex with women and women in lesbian relationships who may have sex with men on an intermittent basis (Gagnon, 1977; CaTifia, 1983~. Most people who have sex with partners of the same gender solely on a situational or contextual basis have only a limited portion of their social relationships with those having same-gender erotic preferences and often have most of their sexual activity with persons of the other gender. Prior to the early 1970s, this pattern of living a life hidden among the heterosexual majority was probably true of large numbers of persons who would have identified themselves as homosexual or at least predominantly interested in sex with persons of the same gender. Life entirely in the closet or at least concealing their predominant sexual preference to important persons in their lives (parents, spouses, children, other relatives, coworkers, good friends, members of the religious community) was the common con- dition of persons with same-gender sexual desires (Humphrey, 1978~. Homosexuality was thought to be sinful, criminal, pathological, or deviant, and research was usually conducted by scientists holding these presumptions on persons living under these conditions of social repression (Bieber, 1962, Socarides, 1978~. Many individuals partic- ipated clandestinely and fearfully in the limited institutions of the "homosexual community," whereas others lived in sexual relation- ships open to limited friendship circles ant! social groups (Warren, 1974~. Fear of blackmail, robbery, police harassment or brutality, loss of jobs, and discovery by unknowing loved ones was endemic
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SEXUALITY ACROSS THE LIFE COURSE ~ 505 (Kinsey et al., 1948; Gebhar<1 et al., 1965; Simon and Gagnon, 1967; Weinberg and Williams, 1974~. The social transformations of the 1960s and 1970s created from the earlier homosexual community a new social collectivity that has come to be callecl the gay mate and lesbian communities in which new sexual identities have been created (Plummer, 1981; Escoffier, 1985~. Part of this social solidarity was the emergence of a more complex community in metropolitan centers based on a wide variety of needs and interests (Humphreys, 1972; D'Emilio, 1983~. Gay and lesbian political groups, newspapers and book publishers, community service agencies, restaurants, employment and other agencies,- and medical and legal professionals have flourished in these communities. As a tradition of greater openness emerged, it was possible for some gay men and lesbians to be "open" to all the important persons in their lives as well as to the general public, whereas others remained either selective or constrained in their openness. Despite these changes, however, there floes not seem to have been a reduction in homophobia among the general population, at least as measured by attitude questions about homosexuality on national surveys (see Figure 7-2 in Chapter 7~. The relation of the gay male and lesbian communities to the larger society has come to Took more like that of other minority com- munities based on ethnicity, religion, and race, which prized both their cultural singularity and their relation to the larger culture, polity, and economy (Paul et al., 1982; D'Emilio, 1983~. Some gay men and lesbians live their entire lives within their own communities, spending the majority of their lives working ant! living with persons having the same sexual preference. Others work and live partially in the social world populated by a majority of heterosexuals, some- times open, and sometimes not, but have most of their important affectional ties and interpersonal connections in the gay and lesbian communities. Still others retain strong ties to members of the hetero- sexual majority (including parents and children)—sometimes open about their sexual preference and sometimes not—and sustain con- nections of the widest variety with members of the larger society. Although an imperfect analogy, one might think of the relations of Jews to the non-Jewish majority in the United States at an ear- lier stage in history a relationship that ranged (and still ranges, though with less anti-Semitism) from the insularity of the Hasidic communities to the invisibility of secular Jews in the larger society. Given these restrictions on the universality of life course models or even the lack of a dominant model in the United States, it is still
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506 ~ BACKGROUND PAPERS useful to attempt to characterize the sexual life course in the United States in order to identify modal sexual processes and experiences as well as those that vary substantially from them. It is important to point out that the presentation of the age/stage periods in a time order from early to late does not mean that earlier experience is always strongly determinative of later experience (Brim and Wheeler, 1966~. The demands of current social circumstances are often more determinative of current sexual conduct than are early experiences that are post hoc thought to connect earlier to later behavior. Sexual conduct at later moments in the life course should not be thought of as a simple reenactment of, or as preformed by, earlier patterns of nonsexual or sexual conduct (Gagnon and Simon, 1973~. What follows then is a heuristic framework for the life course of those with other-gender and same-gender preferences in erotic re- lations in the United States for the last two decades and perhaps extending into the future until the turn of the century. There are many variations from this framework. It is not meant to be prescrip- tive or normative, although it may be treated by some as such, but rather descriptive and indicative of sexual patterns in one culture and at one point in time. In addition it should be emphasized that both the life course and the patterns of sexual conduct are changing in relatively unpredictable directions as a result of the influence of much larger social forces. CHILDHOOD Infancy Infancy stretches in time from birth to the middle of the third year of life when independent locomotion and language skills have been developed. The center of the child's life moves from the mother (and less often a father or other caretaker) to a more extended group of individuals in and out of the family. Although, historically, the psychoanalytic tradition viewed these years as critical for mature psy- chosexual development, more contemporary research suggests that the importance of these early experiences (e.g., weaning, toilet train- ing, parental attachment) to adolescent and adult sexual patterns is quite limited. This is in accordance with other work in human devel- opment which suggests that early experience may be less critical for later development than previously assumed, although this remains a serious point of controversy among developmental psychologists (Ka- gan, 1971~. Perhaps of most importance in the United States is the
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SEXUALITY ACROSS THE LIFE COURSE ~ 507 successful acquisition of some elements of a conventionalized gender identity, and perhaps the most important of these is the preliminary sense of being a boy or a girl. Although it has been argued that this acquisition of gender identity is an all or none process some- what like imprinting, a more cautious formulation would be that the components of the conventional gender identity package are proba- bly learned in a more cumulative fashion over the entire period of childhood (Luria, 1979~. The intensity and consistency of environmental demands for con- forming gender conduct among the- young may make the acquisition of gender identity appear to be a form of natural development, but there is evidence that various elements of gender identity seem to be accessible to change later in life (Maccoby ant! Jacklin, 1974~. Thus gender-linked differences in the behavior of small children, such as assertiveness, often wash out in the context of the demands of adult work lives (Epstein, 1981~. In most Western societies and partic- ularly in the United States, this earliest portion of the life course is linked to sexuality as expressed by most postpubertal individuals primarily through cumulative gender role and nonsexual learning, which serve as a frame for the future acquisition and practice of both heterosexual and homosexual conduct in adolescence (Money and Ehrhardt, 1972; Kessler and McKenna, 1974; Gagnon, 1979~. Preschool In the preschool period, say from ages 3 to 6, children enter an expanding world of interpersonal and media experiences. Moth- ers, fathers, siblings, grandparents, same-age peers, the mass media through television, and preschool and day-care experiences rapidly complicate and enrich the world of children. Here, the differences among various cultures and points in the history of any given culture become more sharply focused. The presence or absence of the mass merlin, churchgoing, full-time care by mothers, and urban or village living shape not only the daily life of the child but also the ways in which knowledge about sexuality is acquired and the systems of meaning to which it is linked. (The historical study of sexual life is rapidly expanding; for examples, see Foucault, 1978; Boswell, 1980; Weeks, 1981; Gay, 1984; and Crompton, 1985.) Few children in the world are as bombarded with gentler role models linked to the con- sumption of toys and other products, or to explicit models of personal attractiveness that become the basis of sexual attractiveness later in
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508 ~ BACKGROUND PAPERS life, as are chiTciren in the United States (for a review, see Brown et al., 1988~. The aspects of the conventional gender identity package acquired in infancy are systematically reinforced and policed by the widest va- riety of audiences. Children first learn about modesty and shame, and systematic restrictions are placed on their access to various bod- iTy pleasures. Their earliest inquiries about sexuality are commonly unanswered, their bodily parts and reproductive processes are either mislabeled or nonTabeled (Sears et al., 1957; Gagnon, 1965~. It is characteristic of the majority of families to avoid references to sexual matters and protect children from sexual information. Nearly all retrospective studies of adolescents and adults on sources and timing of sexual learning indicate the limited role that parents play in these matters. Later Childhood} The transition of children from the home to elementary school has clearly changed with the increase of working mothers and day-care or preschool programs. Many of the experiences that once charac- terized the first day of school are now spread out over a much longer period. The significance of the first six years of school has probably not changed a great clear, however. The elementary school in its nor- mal practices extends and further reinforces the conventional gentler role package in still another set of environments. School opportu- nities and peer relationships sharpen the gender divisions between boys and girls in both formal and informal school programs. Fail- ure in schools for either academic or other reasons begins to set the stage for nonconformist and risk-taking behaviors that characterize young people who are reached inadequately by the schools them- seIves. Pressures toward general conformity to rules and regulations offer other opportunities for deviance among chiTciren. There are still strong tendencies for children to spend the major- ity of their time and emotions in same-gencler peer groups. Whereas the strength of gender divisions has been growing weaker among ur- ban, upper middle class groups, the support for same-gender frien(l- ships remains strong among most social groups in the society (Hess, 1981~. Schools tend to reinforce these patterns through both the cul- tural preferences of teachers and the institutionaTizecl gentler prac- tices of the school itself.
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SEXUALITY ACROSS THE LIFE COURSE ~ 509 Television maintains its continuing pressure on gender role con- formity through Saturday morning programming for children, partic- ularly the advertisements, as well as through programming directed toward aclults that is seen by children. Of particular importance to sexuality are the effects of these materials on what children expect to happen in adolescence and adulthood. Indeed, perhaps the most important training that children receive about the social context of their sexual futures comes from the mass media, largely television, but also from the cinema shown on television. Thus, the importance of physical attractiveness, success with the opposite gender, falling in love, being a member of a couple, and high consumption standards are the staples of adult television that children watch (Brown et al., 1988). Although there is evidence of an increase in more explicit sexual or sexuaTity-related mass media materials, the effect of these materi- als on prepubertal children is unknown. This new explicitness exists at two levels. The first is the one that attracts attempts at social control: programs or magazines that contain nudity, open references to sexuality, or language that may offend. Although this material often evokes attempts at censorship, the majority of prepubertal chiTciren may not understancl much of it. The second aspect of the new explicitness is the relatively constant public debate conducted in the mass media about such topics as pornography, contraception, abortion, and adolescent sexuality, as well as public education pro- grams about AIDS prevention. This openness of debate and public discussion about sexuality, without any explicitly sexual depictions, may offer more informal sexual information to older children than pornography. For example, the access of girls to mass market maga- zines intendecl for women, which heavily emphasize issues of sexual adjustment, orgasm, extramarital sex, and sexual dysfunction, may be more critical than the availability of more sexually open materials in movies or on television. The recency of this increased sexual open- ness means that we do not yet have a generation that has grown up under this informational regime. These mass media forces in sexual eclucation of the prepubertal young are also relevant to the adoles- cent and young adult periods as well, but equally little is known about their consumption or influence. It may well be that exposure to these materials actually has no consequence for the current or future lives of children or young people; the dilemma is that there is no acceptable scientific evidence one way or the other. This is also the period! in life when sex play among children begins to take place. In the early years, most sex play among younger
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510 ~ BACKGROUND PAPERS children has motives specific to their developmental stage (Gagnon, 1965~. In these cases, adult interpretation of the conduct as sexually motivated (i.e., motivated by sexual desires possessed by adults) is probably in error. Among most children, even when they are close to puberty, the motivation for such exploration is probably not the full complement of adult sexual desires or preferences. However, there is evidence that some older chiTciren, who live in environments in which the sexual conduct of-adults is more observable and acceptable or who are targets for the sexual interest of postpubertal youth, may be involved in sexual experimentation which in techniques and motives is more like that of adults. Much of this evidence comes from studies of child sexual abuse (FinkeThor, 1984~. Despite the growth of sexual knowledge from media sources, there is little evidence that either parents or schools have engaged in vigorous attempts to reduce the general sexual ignorance of children during these years, although this may be changing as a consequence of the dangers associates! with AIDS. For example, the recent Na- tional Health Interview Survey found that approximately 60 percent of parents with children and adolescents from ages 10 to 17 reporter! that they had talked to these youngsters about AIDS (Dawson and Thornberry, 1988~. It is not clear what their children would re- port about the same matter. Most pre-AIDS research reports that teaching about sex and reproduction remains limited in the schools (Jones et al., 1986:57-58~. Even AIDS risk prevention programs for children tend to be less informative than they might be. Studies in the last decade suggest that even youthful parents rarely tell their children much about sexuality (Kline et al., 1978~. What seem to be most strongly reinforced publicly are conventional marriage, family, and reproductive roles, whereas sexual knowledge remains part of a covert underground fed indirectly by the media and peers. Both the physical assault of children and the sexual contacts of children with adults are important experiences that have only recently become the focus of intense public debate, criminal proceed- ings, and social movements (FinkeThor, 1984; Russell, 1984~. Both of these experiences, in combination or separately, may have important consequences on adult social and sexual adjustment. There is esti- mated to be a substantial amount of sexual contact between adults (usually male) and young children of both genders which varies in du- ration, level of sexual intimacy, and degree of consanguinity (Finkel- hor, 1979~. However, the actual amount of such contacts and their impact are often obscured by research methods and classificatory
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526 ~ BACKGROUND PAPERS women in these divorces are often left with the full care of adolescent children. Women who divorce in this period are often much less marriageable than their former spouses. The importance of the mass media as a source of fantasy or reassurance may increase in these years. Soap operas and sporting events may serve similar functions for gender-segregated audiences. The crisis of aging may be particularly acute for gay men among whom youth, at least in the recent past, was an important aspect of sexual relations. This may not be as acute among lesbians, partic- ularly of the same generation, who may be involved in quite stable Tong-term relationships. What impact the AIDS epidemic will have on the traditional focus on youth in the gay community is unclear. Sharp declines in the number of partners of older gay men may well have impact on the youthful orientation of gay life, at least in prac- tice if not in fantasy. In this period, both gay men and lesbians with children will experience the transition of these children into young adults. Depending on the relationships to their families of origin, they will share the same problems as maTe-female couples in dealing with aging parents. The problem of aging particularly among gay men has been adciressed by McWhirter and Mattison (1984) and Kimmel (1978). THE LATER AGES MicIdle Age As most individuals move into their middle 50s ant! early 60s, they move out of the parenting role and their lives increasingly rotate around their primary affectional-sexual partners, friends, and work peers. Grandchildren may be reminders of family life, but for most this is far more attenuated than their own experiences of chiTc! rearing. Their aclult children and their grandchildren are independent markers of a transition in the life course. This is a period of continuing, reduction in sexual relations in marriage, and some marriages may be almost entirely asexual. It is also a period when sexual relationships outside the couple decline in number ant] intensity, regardless of gender preference. There is a steady increase of nonsexual commitments between the individuals in the couple as the erotic core of their relationship disappears. At least some individuals in this period have ceased to conceive of themselves as sexual actors. This may be connected to clecTines in health and physical attractiveness. Nonmarital or noncoupled sex
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SEXUALITY ACROSS THE LIFE COURSE ~ 527 may be affected by this process because the psychological plausibility of an individual being a potential sexual partner floes rest upon attractiveness and health. The Young OIL As indivicluals move out of the labor force in their middle 60s, there is often a reduction in their interaction with persons younger than they are. This accentuates the importance of their spouse or Tong-term partner, friends, and adult children. This is true of those with same- or other-gender sexual preferences. Traclitionally, during this period! in the life course, there is often the substitution of nonsexual com- mitments, leisure, hobbies, memories, and sometimes grandchildren, as the basis for the couple. There is some evidence that in the past there was a substantial reduction in sexual relations among most older couples and that the majority of couples may have been entirely asexual by age 70 (Kinsey et al., 194S, 1953; Christensen and Gagnon, 1965~. There is, however, some more recent longitudinal data suggesting that stable, Tow rates of sexual activity do occur among some couples and that asexuality is not a necessary accompaniment of aging (George and Weiler, 1981~. Health status is absolutely critical to sexual life in these years (as it is in earlier portions of the life course), because life-threatening illnesses are psychological as well as physical threats to sexuality (Martin, 1981; Weizman and Hart, 1987~. However, it is important to note that changes in the general health of the population are also changing the life course itself. Thus the phenomena of "youth creep" (i.e., healthy 70-year owls in 1980 are more like 60-year ol(ls were in 1960; healthy 60-year olds in 1980 are more like 50-year olds were in 1960; and so forth, to some upper limit, in both the physical health and the social desires of older persons) will have unknown consequences for sexuality. This process may well reduce the "desexualization" of older persons commonly notes] in earlier generations (Brecher et al., 1984~. The business sector of the society has been taking notice of this more affluent and active older population by providing new leisure, housing, travel, and mass media products for them. Each of these products focuses on the greater youthfulness and continued sexual potential of this group. Women are being widower! at a relatively high rate during this period, and some recoupling that involves sexuality does occur.
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528 ~ BACKGROUND PAPERS There is often some intergenerational conflict with children about these recouplings because they provoke both sexual and property · ~ anxieties. Among the elderly after age 70, the forces that affected sexuality in the years after 60 should retain their impact. What consequences the very large number of persons of this age in the early years of the twenty-first century will have on their sexuality is unknown. AFTERWORD The density of references in the latter half of this preliminary at- tempt to suggest some links of sexuality to the life course decreases steadily as the focus of discussion moves from childhood and youth to later life. This decline follows the national cultural prejudice that finds sexual learning and sexual conduct among the young far more interesting than the changes in the sexual life of their elders. This may be due to the fact that the sexual activities of the young seem to generate more passion as well as more social problems. Whatever the reasons, the research literature on sexuality (which is not very abundant in any case) nearly evaporates as our attention-moves from the first 25 years of life. Perhaps the graying of the population will retirees this imbalance, but given the dominant cultural represen- tations of sexuality in which sexual desire after 40 appears slightly comic, one cannot be entirely sure. However just because the sex- ual pleasures and problems in the last two-thirds of the life course are private and socially invisible does not mean that they are not important parts of the lives of most women and men. REFERENCES Albrecht, G., and Gift, H. (1975) Adult socialization: Ambiguity and adult life crises. In N. Datan and L. Ginsberg (eds.), Life Span Developmental Psychology: Normative Life Crises. New York: Academic Press. Atwater, L. (1982) The Extramarital Connection: Sex, Intimacy and Identity. New York: Irvington. Atwood, J., and Gagnon, J. H. (1987) Masturbatory behavior in college youth. Journal of Sex Education and Therapy 3:35-42. Baltes, P., and Brim, O. G. (eds.) (1979) Life Span Development and Behavior, Vol. 2. New York: Academic Press. Bell, A. P., and Weinberg, M. (1978) Homosexualities: A Study of Diversity Among Men and Women. New York: Simon and Schuster. Bell, A. P., Weinberg, M., and Kiefer-Hammersmith, S. (1980) Sexual Preference, 2 vols. New York: Simon and Schuster. Bell, R. R. (1981) Worlds of Friendship. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. Bell, R. R., Turner, S., and Rosen, L. A. (1975) A multivariate analysis of female extramarital coitus. Journal of Marriage and the Family 37:375-384.
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SEXUALITY ACROSS THE LIFE COURSE ~ 529 Bieber, I. (1962) Homosexuality: A Psychoanalytic Study. New York: Basic Books. Blumstein, P. W., and Schwartz, P. (1983) American Couples. New York: William Morrow. Boswell, J. (1980) Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality: Gay People in Western Europe from the Beginning of the Christian Era to the Fourteenth Century. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Brecher, E., and the Editors of Consumer Reports Books (1984) Love, Sex and Aging. Boston: Little Brown. Brim, O. G., and Ryff, C. D. (1982) On the properties of life events. In P. Baltes and O. C. Brim (eds), Life Span Development and Behavior, Vol. 3. New York: Academic Press. Brim, O. G., and Wheeler, S. (1966) Socialization After Childhood: Two Essays. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Brown, J., Childers, K. W., and Waszak, C. S. (1988) Television and Adolescent Sexuality. Preliminary Findings on Cohabitation from the 1987 National Survey of Families and Households. Presented at the Conference on Television and Teens, Manhattan Beach, Calif. June 22-24. Bumpuss, L., and Sweet, J. (1988) Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, New Orleans. Byrne, D. (1977) Social psychology and the study of sexual behavior. Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 62:158-160. Califia, P. (1983) Gay men, lesbians and sex: Doing it together. The Advocate July 7:24-27. Cannon, K. L., and Long, R. (1971) Premarital sexual behavior in the sixties. Journal of Marriage and the Family 33:36-49. Carrier, J. (1976) Family attitudes and Mexican male homosexuality. Urban Life 5:359-375. Carroll, J. L., yolk, K., and Hyde, J. S. (1985) Differences in males and females in motives for engaging in sexual intercourse. Archives of Sexual Behavior 6:53-65. Chilman, C. S. (1978) Adolescent Sexuality in a Changing American Society. Wash- ington, D.C.: National Institutes of Health. Christensen, C. V., and Gagnon, J. H. (1965) Sexual behavior in a group of older women. Journal of Gerontology 20:251-256. Clausen, J. (1972) The life course of individuals. In M. W. Riley, M. Johnson, and A. Foner (eds.), Aging and Society, Vol. III. New York: Russell Sage. Clayton, R. R., and Bokemeier, J. L. (1980) Premarital sexual behavior in the seventies. Journal of Marriage and the Family 42:759-775. Clement, U., Schmidt, G., and Kruse, M. (1984) Changes in sex differences in sexual behavior: A replication of a study on West German students (1966-1981~. Archives of Sexual Behavior 13:99-120. Coleman, E. (1982) Developmental stages of the coming out process. In W. Paul et al. teds.), Homosexuality: Social, Psychological and Biological Issues. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. Cook, M. and Howells, K. (eds.) (1980) Adult Sexual Interest in Children. New York: Academic Press. Coxon, A. P. M. (1986) Report of a Pilot Study: Project on Sexual Lifestyles of Non-Heterosexual Males. Social Research Unit, University College, Cardiff. Crompton, L. (1985) Byron and Greek Love: Homophobia in 19th Century England. Berkeley: University of California Press. Dank, B. (1971) Coming out in the gay world. Psychiatry 34:180-197.
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530 ~ BACKGROUND PAPERS Dawson, D., and Thornberry, O. T. (1988) AIDS knowledge and attitudes for December 1987, Provisional data from the National Health Interview Survey. NCHS Advance Data 153(May 16~. Delamater, J., and MacCorquodale, P. (1979) Premarital Sexuality: Attitudes, Rela- tionships, Behavior. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. D'Emilio, J. (1983) Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States, 1940-1970. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. D'Emilio, J., and Freedman, E. (1988) Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America. New York: Harper & Row. Dover, K. J. (1978) Greek Homosexuality. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Duberman, M. B. (1974) The bisexual debate. New Times (June 28~:34-41. Duberman, M. B. (1986) About Time: Exploring the Gay Past. New York: Gay Presses of New York. Einhorn, D. H., Clausen, J., Hann, N., Honik, N., and Mussen, P. (eds.) (1981) Past and Present in Middle Life. New York: Academic Press. Elder, G. H. (1979) Historical changes in life patterns and personality. In P. Baltes and O. G. Brim (eds.), Life Span Development and Behavior, Vol. 2. New York: Academic Press. Elder, G. H. (1984) Family history and the life course. In R. Parke et al. teds.), The Family. Chicago: University of Chicago. English, D., Hollibaugh, A., and Rubin, G. (1981) Talking sex. Socialist Review (July-August). Epstein, C. F. (1981) Women in Law. New York: Basic Books. Escoffier, J. (1985) Sexual revolution and the politics of gay identity. The Socialist Review 82:119-153. Fay, R., Turner, C. F., Klassen, A., and Gagnon, J. H. (in press) Prevalence and patterns of homosexual contact among men. Science. Featherman, D. (1980) Schooling and occupational careers: Constancy and change in worldly success. In O. G. Brim and J. Kagan (eds.), Constancy and Change in Human Development. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Finkelhor, D. (1979) Sexually Victimized Children. New York: Free Press. Finkelhor,D. (1984) Child SexualAbuse, New Theory and Research. New York: Free Press. Finkelhor, D., Gelles, R. J. Hotaling, G. T., and Straus, M. A. (1983) The Dark Side of Families: Current Family Violence Research. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. Ford, C. S., and Beach, F. A. (1951) Patterns of Sexual Behavior. New York: Harper & Row. Foucault, M. (1978) The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1, An Introduction. New York: Pantheon. Fox, G. L. (1981) The family's role in adolescent sexual behavior. In T. Ooms (ed.), Teenage Pregnancy in a Family Context. Philadelphia: Temple. Furstenberg, F. F., Jr. (1982) Conjugal Succession: Reentering Marriage After Divorce, Life Span Development and Behavior, Vol. 4. New York: Academic Press. Furstenberg, F. F., Jr., Morgan, S. P., Moore, K. A., and Peterson, J. L. (1987) Race differences in the timing of adolescent intercourse. American Sociological Revie?v 52:511-518. Gagnon, J. H. (1965) Sexuality and sexual learning in the child. Psychiatry 28:212-228. Gagnon, J. H. (1968) Prostitution. In The International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 14. New York: Crowell-Collier.
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SEXUALITY ACROSS THE LIFE COURSE ~ 531 Gagnon, J. H. (1973) Scripts and the coordination of sexual conduct. In J. K. Cole and R. Dienstbier (eds.), Nebraska Symposium on Motivation. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Gagnon, J. H. (1977) Human Sexualities. Glenview, Ill.: Scott Foresman. Gagnon, J. H. (1979) The interaction of gender roles and sexual conduct. In H. Katchadourian (ed.), Human Sexuality: A Comparative and Developmental Approach. Berkeley: University of California Press. Gagnon, J. H. (1987) Masturbation in Two College Cohorts. Presented at the meeting of the International Academy of Sex Research, Tutzing, G.D.R. Gagnon, J. H., and Greenblat, C. S.~ (1978) Life Designs. Glenview: Scott Foresman. Gagnon, J. H., and Simon, W. (1967) Femininity in the lesbian community. Social Problems 15:212-221. Gagnon, J. H., and Simon, W. (1973) Sexual Conduct: The Social Sources of Human Sexuality. Chicago: Aldine. Gagnon, J. H., and Simon, W. (1987) The scripting of oral genital sexual conduct. Archives of Sexual Behavior 16:1-25. Gay, P. (1984) Education of the Senses, Vol. 1 in The Bourgeois Experience, Victoria to Freud. New York: Oxford University Press. Gebhard, P. H., Gagnon, J. H., Pomeroy, W.. B., and Christensen, C. (1965) Sex ~ 7 7 Offenders: An Analysis of Types. New York: Harper. George, L. K., and Weller, S. J. (1981) Sexuality in middle and late life. The effects of age, cohort and gender. Archives of General Psychiatry 38:919-923. Goode, E., and Voided, R. (1980) Correlates and accompaniments of promiscuous sex among male homosexuals. Psychiatry 43:51-59. Greenblat, C. S. (1983) The salience of sexuality in early marriage. Journal of Marriage and the Family 43:121-132. v Groth, A. N. (1979) Men Who Rape: The Psychology of the Offender. New York: Plenum. Herdt, G. (1984) Ritualized Homosexuality in Melanesia. Calfornia Press. Berkeley: University of Herdt, G. (n.d.) Gay and Lesbian Teenagers. Committee on Human Development, University of Chicago. Hess, B. B. (1981) Friendship and gender roles over the life course. In P. Stein (ed.), Single Life: Unmarried Adults in Social Context. New York: St. Martin's Press. Hessol, N., et al. (1987) The natural history of human immunodeficiency virus in a cohort of homosexual and bisexual men: A 7-year prospective study. Presented at the Third International Conference on AIDS, Washington, D.C., June. HoRerth, S. L., and Hayes, C. D. (1987) Risking the Future: Adolescent Sexuality, Pregnancy, and Childbearing, Vol. II. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Hofferth, S. L., Kahn, J. R., and Baldwin, W. (1987) Premarital sexual activity among U.S. teenage women over the past three decades. Family Planning Perspectives 19:46-52. Hofferth, S. L ., and Upchurch, D. M. (1988) Breaking Up: Dissolving Non-Marital Unions. Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, New Orleans, April. Hooker, E. (1966) The homosexual community. In J. C. Palmer and M. J. Goldstein feds.), Perspectives in Pathology. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. Hultsch, D., and Plemons, J. (1979) Life events and life span development. In P. Baltes and O. G. Brim (eds.), Life Span Development and Behavior, Vol. 2. New York: Academic Press.
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532 ~ BACKGROUND PAPERS Humphrey, L. (1978) Tea Room Trade: Impersonal Sex in Public Places. Chicago: Aldine. Humphreys, R. A. L. (1972) Out of the Closets: The Sociology of Homosexual Liberation. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. James, J. (1977) Prostitutes and prostitution. In E. Sagarin and F. Montanino feds.), Deviants: Voluntary Actors in a Hostile World. Glenview, Ill.: Scott Foresman. James, W. (1981) The honeymoon effect on marital coitus. The Journal of Sex Research 17:114-123. Jasso, G. (1985) Marital coital frequency and the passage of time: Estimating the separate effects of spouses' ages and marital duration, birth and marriage cohorts and period influences. American Sociological Review 50:224-241. Jasso, G. (1986) Is it outlier deletion or is it sample truncation? Notes on science and sexuality (reply to Kahn and Udry). American Sociological Review 51:738-742. Jessor, R., and Jessor, S. L. (1978) Problem Behavior and Psychological Development: A Longitudinal Study of Youth. New York: Academic Press. Jessor, R., et al. (1983) Time of first intercourse: A prospective study. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 44:608-626. Jones, E. F., et al. feds.) (1986) Teenage Pregnancy in Industrialized Countries. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. Joseph, J. G. (1987) Two-Year Long Longitudinal Study of Behavioral Risk Reduction in a Cohort of Homosexual Men. Presented at the Third International Conference on AIDS, Washington, D.C., June. Kagan, J. (1971) Change and Continuity in Infancy. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Kagan, J. (1980) Perspectives on continuity. In O. G. Brim and J. Kagan (eds.), Constancy and Change in Human Development. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Kagan, J. (1981) Infancy. Kagan, J., and Coles, R. (eds.) (1973) Twelve to Sixteen: Early Adolescence. New York: Norton. Katz, J. (1983) Gay/Lesbian Almanac: A New Documentary. New York: Harper & Row. Kahn, J. R., and Udry, J. R. (1986) Marital coital frequency: Unnoticed outlier and unspecified interactions lead to erroneous conclusions (Comment). American Sociological Review 51:734-737. Kessler, S. J., and McKenna, W. (eds.) (1974) Gender. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Kett, J. (1978) Curing the disease of precocity. In J. Demos and S. Boocock (eds.), In Turning Points: Historical and Sociological Essays on the Family. Vol. 84, Supplement. Chicago: American Journal of Sociology. Kimmel, D. (1978) Adult development and aging: A gay perspective. Journal of Social Issues 34:113-130. Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W. B., and Martin, C. E. (1948) Sexual Behavior in the Human Male. Philadelphia: Saunders. Kinsey, A. C., Pomeroy, W. B., Martin, C. E., and Gebhard, P. H. (1953) Sexual Behavior in the Human Female. Philadelphia: Saunders. Kline, D., Roberts, E., and Gagnon, J. (1978) Family Life and Sexual Learning, a Report of the Project on Human Sexual Development, 3 vols. Cambridge, Mass.: Project on Human Sexual Development. Kurdek, L. A., and Schmitt, J. P. (1985-1986) Relationship quality of gay men in closed or open relationships. Journal of Homosexuality 12:85-99. Leiblum, S. R., and Rosen, R. C. (1988) Sexual Desire Disorders. New York: Guilford.
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SEXUALITY ACROSS THE LIFE COURSE ~ 533 Levine, M. (1988) The Heterosexualization of Gay Desire. Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Atlanta. Luria, Z. (1979) Psychosocial determinants of gender identity, role and orientation. In H. Katchadourian (ed.) Human Sexuality: A Comparative and Developmental Perspective. Berkeley: University of California Press. Luria, Z., and Meade, R. G. (1984) Sexuality and the middle aged woman. In G. Baruch and J. Brooks-Gunn (eds.), Women in Midlife. New York: Plenum. Maccoby, E. E., and Jacklin, C. (1974) The Psychology of Sex Differences. Stanford Cali£: Stanford University Press. Macklin, E. D. (1978) Review of research on non-marital cohabitation in the United States. In B. J. Murstein (ed.) Exploring Intimate Lifestyles. New York: Springer. Marshall, D., and Suggs, R. (eds.) (1971) Human Sexual Behavior, Variations in the Ethnographic Spectrum. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Marsiglio, W., and Mott, F. L. (1986) The impact of sex education on sexual activity, contraceptive use and premarital pregnancy among American teenagers. Family Planning Perspectives 18:151-161. Martin, C. E. (1981) Factors affecting the sexual functioning in 60-79 year old married males. Archives of Sexual Behavior 10:399-400. Masters, W., and Johnson, V. (1970) Human Sexual Dysfunction. Boston: Little, Brown. McCluskey, K., Killarney, J., and Papini, D. (1983) Adolescent pregnancy and parenthood: Implications for development. In E. J. Callahan and K. McCluskey (eds.), Life Span Developmental Psychology, Nonnormative Life Events. New York: Academic Press. McWhirter, D., and Mattison, D. (1984) The Male Couple. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Michael, R., and Willis, R. (1988) Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Population Association of America, New Orleans. Miller, P. Y., and Simon, W. (1974) Adolescent sexual behavior: Context and change. Social Problems 22:52-76. Modell, J., Furstenberg, F. F., and Strong, D. (1978) The timing of marriage in the transitions to adulthood: Continuity and change, 1860-1975. In J. Demos and S. Boocock (eds.), T?~rning Points: Historical and Sociological Essays on the Family, Vol. 84, Supplement. Chicago: American Journal of Sociology. Money, J., and Ehrhardt, A. A. (1972) Man and Woman/Boy and Girl. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press. Nardi, A. (1973) Person perception research and the perception of the life span. In P. Baltes and K. Schaie (eds.), Life Span Developmental Psychology: Personality and Socialization. New York: Academic Press. Neugarten, B. (ed.) (1968) Middle Age and Aging. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Neugarten, B., and Datan, N. (1973) Sociological perspectives on the life course. In P. Baltes and K. Schaie (eds.), Life Span Developmental Psychology: Personality and Socialization. New York: Academic Press. Newcomer, S. F., and Udry, J. R. (1985) Oral sex in an adolescent population. Archives of Sexual Behavior 14:41-46. Ooms, T. (ed.) (1981) Teenage Pregnancy in a Family Context. Philadelphia: Temple. O'Reilly, K., and Aral, S. (1985) Adolescence and sexual behavior, trends and implications for STD. Journal of Adolescent Health Care 6:262-270.
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534 ~ BACKGROUND PAPERS Ortner, S. B., and Whitehead, H. feds.) (1981) Sexual Meanings: The Cultural Con- struction of Gender and Sexuality. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Paul, W., Weinrich, J. D., Gonsiorek, J. C., and Hotvedt, M. E. (eds.) (1982) Homosexuality: Social, Psychological and Biological Issues. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. Peplau, L. A., and Amaro, H. (1982) Understanding lesbian relationships. In W. Paul, et al. teds.), Homosexuality: Social, Psychological and Biological Issues. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. Peplau, L. A., and Gordon, S. L. (1983) The intimate relationships of lesbians and gay men. In E. R. Allgeier and N. B. McCormick (eds.), Changing Boundaries: Gender Roles and Sexual Behavior. Palo Alto, Calif.: Mayfield. Plummer, K. (1981) The Making of the Modern Homosexual. Totowa, N.J.: Barnes and Noble Books. Plummer, K. (1984) Sexual diversity: A sociological perspective. In K. Howells fed.), Sexual Diversity. London: Basil Blackwell. Rainwater, L. (1964) Marital sexuality in four "cultures of poverty." Journal of Marriage and the Family 26:457-466. Reese, H., and Smyer, M. (1983) The dimensionalisation of life events. In E. J. Callahan and K. McCluskey feds.), Life Span Developmental Psychology, Nonnormative Life Events. New York: Academic Press. Reigel, K. F., and Meachum, J. A. (eds.) (1976) The Developing Individual in a Changing World, Vol. I: Historical and Cultural Issues; Vol. II: Social and Environmental Issues. Chicago: Aldine. Reiss, A. (1961) The social organization of queers and peers. Social Problems 9:102- 120. Reiss, I. L. (1960) Premarital Sexual Standards in America. New York: Free Press. Reiss, I. L. (1967) The Social Context of Premarital Permissiveness. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Reiss, I. L. (1983) Heterosexual Relationships Inside and Outside of Marriage. Mor- ristown, N.J.: General Learning Press. Reiss, I. L. (1986) Journey into Sexuality. New York: Prentice-Hall. Reiss, I. L., Anderson, R. E., and Sponaugle, G. C. (1980) A multivariate model of the determinants of extramarital sexual permissiveness. Journal of Marriage and the Family 45:395-411. Rich, A. (1983) Compulsory Heterosexuality and Lesbian Existence. San Francisco: Antelope. Richardson, L. (1985) The New Other Woman. New York: The Free Press. Risman, B. J., Hill, C., Rubin, Z., and Peplau, L. A. (1981) Living together in college: Implications for courtship. Journal of Marriage and the Family 43:77-83. Roebuck, J., and McGee, M. G. (1977) Attitudes toward premarital sex and sexual behavior among black high school girls. Journal of Sex Research 13:104-114. Rossi, A. S. (ed.) (1985) Gender and the Life Course. Hawthorne, N.Y.: Aldine. Rubin, G. (1975) The traffic in women. In R. R. Reiter fed.), Toward an Anthropology of Women. New York: Monthly Review. Rubin, G. (1984) Thinking Sex. In C. Vance (ed.), Pleasure and Danger. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Rubin, L. (1976) Worlds of Pain: Life in the Working Class Family. New York: Basic Books. Russell, D. E. H. (1984) Sexual Exploitation: Rape, Child Abuse and Workplace Harrassment. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage. Schwartz, P., and Blumstein, P. (1977) Bisexuality. Journal of Social Issues 33:132-145.
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SEXUALITY ACROSS THE LIFE COURSE ~ 535 Sears, R. R., Maccoby E., and Levin, H. (1957) Patterns of Childrearing. Evanston, Ill.: Row, Peterson. Simon, W., Berger, A., and Gagnon, J. H. (1972) Beyond fantasy and anxiety: The coital experiences of college youth. Journal of Youth and Adolescence 1:203-222. Simon, W., Buff, S., and Gagnon, J. H. (1972) Son of Joe: Continuity and change among working class adolescents. Journal of Youth and Adolescence 1:13-34. Simon, W., and Gagnon, J. H. (1967) Homosexuality: The formulation of a sociological perspective. Journal of Health and Social Behavior 8:177-185. Simon, W., and Gagnon, J. H. (1987) Sexual scripts, permanence and change. Archives of Sexual Behavior 15:97-120. Singh, K. B., Walton, B. L., and Williams, J. S. (1976) Extramarital sexual per- missiveness: Conditions and contingencies. Journal of Marriage and the Family 38:701-712. Smelser, N. J., and Erikson, E. H. t1980? Themes of Love and Work in Adulthood. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Snitow, A., Stansell, C., and Thompson, S. (eds.) (1984) Desire: The Politics of Sexuality. London: Virago. Socarides, C. W. (1978) Homosexuality New York: Aronson. Spanier, G. B., and Margolis, R. L. (1983) Marital separation and extra-marital sex. Journal of Sex Research 19:28-48. Staller, R. (1985) Presentations of Gender. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. Straus, M., Gelles, R., and Steinmetz, S. (1980) Behind Closed Doors: Violence in the American Family. New York: Anchor/Doubleday. Tanfer, K., and Schoorl, K. (n.d.) The Extent and Context of Sexual Promiscuity. Unpublished manuscript. Tanner, J. M. (1973) Sequence, tempo and individual variation in growth and development in boys and girls between twelve and sixteen. In J. Kagan and R. Coles (eds.), Twelve to Sixteen: Early Adolescence. New York: Norton. Thompson, A. B. (1983) Extramarital sex: A review of the scientific literature. Journal of Sex Research 19:1-22. Thornton, A. (1988) Dynamics of Cohabitation and Marriage in the 1980s. Presented at the annual meeting of the Population Association of America, New Orleans. Tiefer, L. (1987) Social constructionism and the study of human sexuality. In P. Shaver and R. Kendrick (eds.), Sex and Gender. Beverly Hills, Cali£: Sage. Trussel, J., and Westoff, C. (1980) Contraceptive practice and trends in coital frequency. Family Planning Perspectives 12:246-249. Udry, J. R. (1980) Changes in the frequency of marital intercourse from panel data. Archives of Sexual Behavior 9:319-325. Udry, J. R. (1985) Serum androgenic hormones motivate sexual behavior in adolescent boys. Fertility and Sterility 43:90-94. Udry, J. R., Bauman, K. E., and Morris, N. M. (1975) Changes in premarital coital experience of recent decade-of-birth cohorts of urban American women. Journal of Marriage and the Family 37:783-787. Udry, J. R., and Billy, J. O. G. (1987) Initiation of coitus in early adolescence. American Sociological Review 52:841-855. Uhlenberg, P. (1978) Changing configurations of the life course. In T. Haraven (ed.), Iransitions. New York: Academic Press. Vance, C. (1984) Pleasure and Danger. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Verwoerdt, A., Pfeiffer, E., and Wang, H. S. (1969) Sexual behavior in senescence: Patterns of sexual activity and interest. Geriatrics 24:137-144. Warren, C. A. B. (1974) Identity and Community in the Gay World. New York: John Wiley & Sons.
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536 ~ BACKGROUND PAPERS Weeks, J. (1981) Sex, Politics and Society: The Regulation of Sexuality Since 1800. London: Longmans, Green. Weinberg, M. S., and Williams, C. J. (1974) Male Homosexuals: Problems and Adaptations. New York: Oxford University Press. Weinberg, M. S., and Williams, C. J. (1988) Black sexuality: A test of two theories. Journal of Sex Research 25:197-218. Weitzman, L. (1985) The Divorce Revolution. New York: Free Press. Weizman, R., and Hart, J. (1987) Sexual behavior ',n healthy married elderly men. Archives of Sexual Behavior 16:39-44. Westoff, C. F. (1974) Coital frequency and contraception. Family Planning Perspectives 6:136-141. White, E. (1983) A Boy's Own Story. New York: E. P. Dutton. White, E. (1980) States of Desire. New York: E. P. Dutton. Willis, R., and Michael, R. (1988) Innovation in Family Formation: Cohabitational Unions from the 1986 Follow-Up of the NLS/72 Sample. Presented at the annual meeting of the Population Association of America, New Orleans. Wilson, W. J. (1988) The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, The Underclass and Public Policy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Winick, C. (1962) Prostitutes clients' perception of the prostitutes and themselves. International Journal of Social Psychiatry 8:289-297. Wolf, D.G. (1979) The Lesbian Community. Berkeley: University of California Press. Zelnik, M., Kantner, J. F., and Ford, K. (1981) Sex and Pregnancy in Adolescence. Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage.
Representative terms from entire chapter: