The Science of Emotion: What People Believe, What the Evidence Shows, and Where to Go From HereLisa Feldman Barrett


As common sense has it, emotions are triggered automatically, happen to people, and cause them to act in specific and diagnostic ways. An offense triggers anger. A death triggers sadness. A gun triggers fear. As the pent-up energy of an emotion is discharged, the result is a largely inescapable set of stereotyped outputs that occur rapidly, involuntarily. People feel the heat of anger and attack, the despair of sadness and cry, or the dread of fear and freeze—or even run away. The given quality of a person’s own experience, and the way that emotion seems to control behavior without awareness, is usually taken as proof that emotions are automatic responses to things that happen in the world over which people have little control. Knowledge, expectations, and beliefs seem to have little impact on emotion, although they can regulate a response once it has been triggered. As a consequence, people assume that emotions can overcome them, rapidly overriding whatever else they might have been doing, thinking, and feeling. Regulation, if it occurs at all, happens later, after the emotion has taken hold. Anger, sadness, and fear causes behavior, just as lightning causes thunder.

This folk conception of emotion—with varying degrees of elaboration and complexity—forms the basis of a consensual view that guides the scientific study of emotion. Despite the differences in their surface features, the most prominent models of emotion incorporate the intuition that emotions are automatic syndromes of behavior and bodily reactions. Those models

This work was supported an NIMH Independent Scientist Research Award (K02 MH001981) to Lisa Feldman Barrett from the National Institute of Mental Health.



The National Academies | 500 Fifth St. N.W. | Washington, D.C. 20001
Copyright © National Academy of Sciences. All rights reserved.
Terms of Use and Privacy Statement



Below are the first 10 and last 10 pages of uncorrected machine-read text (when available) of this chapter, followed by the top 30 algorithmically extracted key phrases from the chapter as a whole.
Intended to provide our own search engines and external engines with highly rich, chapter-representative searchable text on the opening pages of each chapter. Because it is UNCORRECTED material, please consider the following text as a useful but insufficient proxy for the authoritative book pages.

Do not use for reproduction, copying, pasting, or reading; exclusively for search engines.

OCR for page 189
The Science of Emotion: What People Believe, What the Evidence Shows, and Where to Go From Here Lisa Feldman Barrett As common sense has it, emotions are triggered automatically, happen to people, and cause them to act in specific and diagnostic ways. An offense triggers anger. A death triggers sadness. A gun triggers fear. As the pent-up energy of an emotion is discharged, the result is a largely inescapable set of stereotyped outputs that occur rapidly, involuntarily. People feel the heat of anger and attack, the despair of sadness and cry, or the dread of fear and freeze—or even run away. The given quality of a person’s own experience, and the way that emotion seems to control behavior without awareness, is usually taken as proof that emotions are automatic responses to things that happen in the world over which people have little control. Knowledge, ex- pectations, and beliefs seem to have little impact on emotion, although they can regulate a response once it has been triggered. As a consequence, people assume that emotions can overcome them, rapidly overriding whatever else they might have been doing, thinking, and feeling. Regulation, if it occurs at all, happens later, after the emotion has taken hold. Anger, sadness, and fear causes behavior, just as lightning causes thunder. This folk conception of emotion—with varying degrees of elaboration and complexity—forms the basis of a consensual view that guides the scien- tific study of emotion. Despite the differences in their surface features, the most prominent models of emotion incorporate the intuition that emotions are automatic syndromes of behavior and bodily reactions. Those models This work was supported an NIMH Independent Scientist Research Award (K02 MH001981) to Lisa Feldman Barrett from the National Institute of Mental Health. 

OCR for page 189
0 HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN MILITARY CONTEXTS also share a common set of beliefs about the nature of emotion: emotions are categories with firm boundaries that can be observed in nature (i.e., in the brain or body) and are therefore recognized, not constructed, by the human mind. People know an instance of anger when they see it in the face, voice, or body of another person or feel it in themselves. In this paper I argue that despite the general importance of emotion in the science of the mind and the ever increasing pace of research on emotion, knowledge about emotion has accumulated more slowly than for other comparable concepts, such as memory or attention, because the acceptance of these commonsense assumptions are not warranted by the available empirical evidence. I then consider what moving beyond a com- monsense view might look like and what it would mean for the scientific study of emotion. A BRIEF HISTORy The Accepted History The received wisdom in psychology is that the science of emotion began with a golden age, with Darwin’s (1859/1965) publication of Expressions of the Emotions in Man and Animals, where he wrote that emotions cause stereotypic bodily expressions. Darwin’s book was followed by James’ 1884 critique, What Is an Emotion?, in which James argued that bodily activity causes emotion, not the other way around. James, in turn, was criticized by Cannon in his 1927 paper, The James-Lange Theory of Emotions: A Criti- cal Examination and an Alternative Theory, in which Cannon argued that the body cannot cause emotion because visceral changes are too slow and too difficult to feel and that the same visceral changes occur in both emo- tional and nonemotional states. Psychology, the story goes, by then in the grip of behaviorism, sank into the dark ages and did not produce anything worthwhile on the topic of emotion for about 40 years, except for some important neurobiology papers by Papez (1937) and MacLean (1949). In the conventional story, a renaissance period then emerged in the 1960s, first with Magda Arnold’s 1960 Emotion and Personality, fol- lowed by Tomkins 1962 and 1963 books on Affect-Imagery-Consciousness. Schachter and Singer’s 1962 paper, Cognitive, Social, and Physiological Determinants of an Emotional State, was also published around this time. According to many, these works rescued the scientific study of emotion from the abyss of behaviorism and launched the modern era of scientific research on emotion. Sylvan Tomkins became the inspiration for what has been called the “basic emotion” approach. Basic emotion models share the core assump- tion that there are certain biologically privileged kinds of emotion. Each

OCR for page 189
 THE SCIENCE OF EMOTION kind of emotion issue is thought to come from a dedicated neural program or circuit that arose through evolution and is hardwired into the human brain at birth. These circuits are homologous with those found in nonhu- man mammals, and they are responsible for the automatic syndrome of hormonal, muscular, and autonomic effects that constitutes the distinctive signature for that kind of emotional response. In essence, the basic emotion approach is a commonsense view of emotion. Arnold, along with Schachter and Singer, it is said, launched what is called the appraisal approach to emotion. The core assumption of appraisal models is that a person’s interpretation of an event or situation is necessary for an emotional response; emotions are not triggered merely by a stimu- lus in a reflexive or habitual way. In Arnold’s terms, a meaning analysis is performed on the situation that is thought to evoke or triggers emotion. In Schachter and Singer’s terms, a meaning analysis is performed on a general state of arousal in the body to render it meaningful. The initial empirical evidence for the Schachter and Singer (1962) model was weak at the outset (Reisenzein, 1983), so that Arnold’s version of appraisal theory became formative for the majority of appraisal models that followed (e.g., Scherer, 1984; Frijda, 1986; Roseman, Spindel, and Jose, 1990). Revising History From a certain vantage point, the conventional history is accurate. Tomkins, Arnold, and to a lesser extent, Schachter and Singer, did have an enormous influence on shaping modern scientific thinking about emotion. But the accepted history of the field has itself been shaped by common- sense, while the actual historical record is more complicated, and more interesting. For example: Darwin did not emphasize the functionality of emotion; he argued that the facial behaviors associated with internal emo- tional states (what he called “emotional expressions”) are often vestiges of the evolutionary past, like a tailbone or an appendix. The emphasis on functionality came later (Allport, 1924). William James may have inspired a century of research whose goal was to uncover the invariant autonomic nervous system (ANS) and behavioral patterns that corresponded to anger, sadness, fear, and several other emotions, but he did not, in fact, argue for one invariant biobehavioral pattern for each emotion category. “Surely there is no definite affection of anger in an entitative sense” (James, 1894, p. 206). When James stated that distinct physiologic and behavioral pat- terns produced an emotional feeling, he meant a specific instance of emo- tion (e.g., an instance of anger) was distinct from other instances, as long as it feels distinct. Arnold explicitly relied on commonsense in crafting her model of emo- tion (Arnold, 1960, Ch. 1) and believed, following basic emotion models,

OCR for page 189
2 HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN MILITARY CONTEXTS that anger, sadness, fear, and so on are different biological kinds that, in essence, are grounded in distinct behaviors. Arnold’s particular brand of appraisal model and those she inspired have a lot more in common with basic emotion models than is commonly assumed (see Barrett, 2006a; Bar- rett, Mesquita, Ochsner, and Gross, 2007). Arnold wrote: For each emotion, there is a distinct pattern that remains more or less constant and is recognized as characteristic for that emotion. . . . Whether we are afraid of a bear, a snake, or a thunderstorm, our bodily sensations during these experiences are very much alike . . . there will always be a core that is similar from person to person and even from man to animal (Arnold, 1960, p. 179). Appraisals were imbued with the power to diagnose objects or situations as personally relevant and were given responsibility for triggering emotions that pre-exist within the individual. Most important, the dark ages in emotion science never really existed. From 1900 to the 1970s, many papers and books were published on the topic of emotion. However, they were rooted in assumptions by Wundt (1897) and had a decidedly non-commonsense flavor: emotions are psy- chological events that can be decomposed into more basic psychological elements (Brenner, 1974; Dashiell, 1928; Duffy, 1934, 1941; Hunt, 1941; Dunlap, 1932; Mandler, 1975; Ruckmick, 1936; Schachter, 1959; Titch- ener, 1909; Young, 1943). The common assumption in these works is that the human experience of emotion does not necessarily reveal the causal structure of emotion. Many of these works are grounded in the observation that empirical evidence had thus far failed to produce clear and consistent evidence for the biobehavioral distinctiveness of as the events that people colloquially call anger, sadness, and fear. The only universal element in any emotional situation is the use by all the subjects of a common term of report, i.e., “fear.” That is, while stimu- lus conditions and actual experiential content may vary from subject to subject, all decide upon the emotion and give it a common label, “fear” (Hunt, 1941, p. 266). This observation has been echoed in several recent papers devoted to the topic (Barrett, 2006a; Ortony and Turner, 1990; Russell, 2003). The Empirical Record The Commonsense Model A comprehensive review of the entire evidentiary body of emotion re- search is well beyond the scope of this paper for both practical and logical

OCR for page 189
 THE SCIENCE OF EMOTION reasons. Practically speaking, several recent reviews of evidence in support of basic emotion (e.g., Ekman, 1992; Ekman, Campos, Davidson, and de Waal, 2003; Keltner and Ekman, 2000; Panksepp, 1998) and appraisal models (e.g., Scherer, Schorr, and Johnstone, 2001) already exist. My goal in this paper is to provide a complementary review that highlights and summarizes evidence that is potentially disconfirming of the commonsense view. A focus on disconfirming evidence is not only practical, it is logically preferable (Popper, 1959) because it will allow interested readers to evalu- ate whether the evidence is weak enough to be dismissed or strong enough to call the commonsense view into question. Bodily Activation Despite rigorous research efforts, the idea that cat- egories of emotion (e.g., anger, sadness, fear) are distinguished by distinct patterns of autonomic response remains debatable (for a review, see Barrett, 2006a). Although some studies have reported emotion-specific patterns of ANS and behavioral activation for at least some emotions (e.g., Ekman, Levenson, and Friesen, 1983; Levenson, Carstensen, Friesen, and Ekman, 1991; Levenson, Ekman, and Friesen, 1990; Mauss, Levenson, McCarter, Wilhelm, and Gross, 2005; Nyklicek, Thayer, and Van Doornen, 1997; Sinha, Lovallo, and Parsons, 1992; Stemmler, 1989; see Levenson, 1992), these are set against a backdrop of studies that suggest the claim of invari- ant emotion-specific ANS activity is unwarranted. Meta-analytic evidence indicates that there are few, if any, stable physiological patterns for catego- ries of emotion (Cacioppo, Berntson, Larsen, Poehlmann, and Ito, 2000). Face  and  Voice The lack of emotion-related patterning that is ob- served in autonomic measurements can also be seen in almost all mea- surement modalities (Barrett, 2006a). There is an on-going, lively debate about whether perception-based studies of the face and voice (where one person judges emotion in the face or voice of another) give evidence of dis- crete emotion categories (see, e.g., Ekman, 1994; Elfenbein and Ambady, 2002; Izard, 1994; Russell, 1994, 1995; Keltner and Ekman, 2000; Rus- sell, Bachorowski, and Fernandez-Dols, 2003). It is important to consider, however, that studies of emotion perception (often called “emotion recog- nition”) commonly use posed facial configurations that depict caricatures of emotion. In contrast to a prototypical expression (an expression that is closest to the average set of features for a kind of emotion), a caricature departs from the central tendency of its category in a way that will make it maximally distinctive from other categories. For example, an anger pro- totype would depict the average set of facial movements that have been identified as naturally occurring in actual anger episodes; in contrast, an anger caricature depicts facial movements that are exaggerated to maxi- mally distinguish it from facial depictions of other emotion categories, such

OCR for page 189
 HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN MILITARY CONTEXTS as fear. In comparison with prototypes, caricatures are more accurately categorized as belonging to a concept when the concepts in question are highly interrelated (Goldstone, Steyvers, and Rogosky, 2003). Production-based studies of emotion in the face and voice (in which researchers measure facial muscle movements and vocal behaviors during emotionally evocative events) have thus far failed to provide clear evidence of signature patterns for particular categories of emotion. Recent sum- maries of the literature conclude that the bulk of evidence has failed to support the hypothesis that distinct patterns of facial muscle activity and vocal acoustics distinguish anger, sadness, fear, and so on (Cacioppo et al., 1997, 2000; Russell et al., 2003). This assessment is consistent with the evidence from infant (Camras, Lambrecht, and Michel, 1996; Camras et al., 2002; Hiatt, Compos, and Emde, 1979) and animal communication research (Seyfarth and Cheney, 2003): it has become clear that babies and animals rarely produce involuntary, reflexive displays of their emotional states. Taken together, this evidence suggests that facial movements and vocal signals do not necessarily “display” information about the sender’s emotional state (see Russell et al., 2003), even though people routinely perceive those behaviors as coordinated “expressions.” Instrumental  Behaviors The evidence is also lacking for distinct be- havioral profiles for each category of emotion (for a review, see Barrett, 2006a). Behavioral responses, such as flight or fight, are specific, context- bound attempts to deal with a situation and so correspond to situational demands (Cacioppo et al., 2000; Lang, Bradley, and Cuthbert, 1990). If a fear-situation is defined by the presence of threat (e.g., a predator), then fear is associated with a range of different behaviors (from vigilance, to freezing, to flight, to attack), depending on the functional demands of the situation. In rats, for example, the threat (or defense) system is organized so that an animal will engage in different behaviors, depending on its psychological distance from a predator (e.g., Fanselow and Lester, 1988); this suggests that there is no one-to-one correspondence between a particular instru- mental behavior and a specific emotion. Similar behavior-situation links have been observed for systems that secure desired objects, like food (Tim- berlake, 1994) and sexual behavior (Akins, Domjan, and Gutierrez, 1994; Akins, 2000; see Bouton, 2005). Similarly, people can attack or withdraw or even smile in anger. Given that physiological activation provides support for behavioral demands (Obrist, 1981; Obrist et al., 1970), and the same feeling can be associated with a variety of behaviors, it seems unlikely that scientists will ever find emotion-specific autonomic patterning. Subjective Experience  Contrary to popular belief, it is far from clear that everyone necessarily experiences anger, sadness, fear, and so on, as

OCR for page 189
5 THE SCIENCE OF EMOTION qualitatively different states. Despite early factor analytic evidence that self- reports produced discrete groupings of subjective experience (e.g., Borgatta, 1961; Nowlis, 1965; Izard, 1972), there is little consistent evidence that people, on average, routinely distinguish between feelings of anger, fear, sadness, and so on. Such reports of negative emotion experience tend to correlate so highly that they often fail capture any unique variance (e.g., Feldman, 1993; Watson and Clark, 1984; Watson and Tellegen, 1985). Even scales that are explicitly built to measure discrete emotions tend to suffer from high correlations between reports of like-valenced states (e.g., Boyle, 1986; Zuckerman and Lubin, 1985; Watson and Clark, 1994). As a result, many researchers measure broad dimensions of positive and negative activation (e.g., Watson, Clark, and Tellegen, 1988), pleasure-displeasure (valence), or feelings of activation or arousal (e.g., Barrett and Russell 1998; Mayer and Gaschke, 1988; Russell, Weiss, and Mendelsohn, 1989). Idiographic studies of emotion experience demonstrate that there is considerable individual variation in emotional granularity—the extent to which people characterize their experiences in discrete emotional or in broadly affective terms (Barrett, 1998, 2004; Barrett, Gross et al., 2001; Feldman, 1995). Individuals high in granularity use the words “angry,” “sad,” and “afraid” to represent distinct experiences; those low in granular- ity use the words to represent a more general state of feeling “unpleasant.” The same is generally true for pleasant emotional states, with those in high in granularity using the words “happy,” “calm,” and “excited” to refer to distinct experiences, while those lower in granularity use these words to refer to a more general “pleasant” affective state. Individuals who are granular for unpleasant emotions also tend to be granular for pleasant emo- tions, although the two are not perfectly correlated (Linquist and Barrett, in press). These differences are not fully accounted for by verbal intelligence or how well people understand the meaning of emotion words. Neural  Circuitry Meta-analyses of neuroimaging studies of emotion have failed to provide evidence for consistent and specific brain circuitry that distinguishes anger, sadness, fear, disgust, and happiness (for reviews, see Barrett 2006a; Barrett and Wager, 2006). In general, the findings from these meta-analyses are very similar to the pattern of findings for the psychophysiological data on emotion: unique activation patterns for each category of emotion were generally less consistent than expected. Further- more, alternative explanations were not ruled out when consistency was observed. For example, the amygdala is widely believed to represent a core “fear system” in the brain, yet the meta-analyses found that no more than 60 percent of studies of fear reported increased activation in the amygdala. Moreover, stimulus features such as novelty (e.g., Wilson and Rolls, 1993; Wright, Martis et al., 2003) or uncertainty (Davis and Whalen, 2001; Kim,

OCR for page 189
6 HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN MILITARY CONTEXTS Somerville et al., 2003; Whalen, Rauch et al., 1998) also activate the amyg- dala and were not ruled out as alternative explanations for the observed findings. Furthermore, simple perceptual cues (e.g., eye gaze) determine whether or not facial depictions of fear result in an increase in amygdala activation (Adams, Gordon et al., 2003), and individuals with amygdala damage can correctly classify facial depictions of fear when their attention is directed towards the eyes of a stimulus face (Adolphs, Gosselin et al., 2005). Taken together, the evidence suggests that the amygdala is not the brain locus of fear, although it seems to play an important role in affective processing. What the Evidence Shows Even as scientific studies of emotion do not provide clear evidence for the biological or behavioral distinction between emotion categories, they do give clear and consistent evidence for a distinction between positive and negative affective states. Objective measurements used in the study of emotion, such as peripheral nervous system activation (Bradley and Lang, 2000); Cacioppo et al., 1997, 2000), facial movements (Cacioppo et al., 1997, 2000; Messinger, 2002), vocal cues (Bachorowski, 1999), expressive behavior (Cacioppo and Gardner, 1999), and neural activations (Barrett and Wager, 2006) all give evidence of the intensity or hedonic quality (pleasantness or unpleasantness) of a person’s affective state. Furthermore, facial behaviors, reports of experience, and peripheral nervous system ac- tivity show strong correspondences for the affective properties of valence and intensity; effect sizes range from 0.76 to 0.90 (Lang, Greenwald et al., 1993), even when they do not show strong correspondences for anger, sad- ness, fear, and so on (for a review, see Barrett, 2006a). That is, affect, rather than emotion, seems to meet the criteria for a biologically verifiable state. “Affect” is generally used to refer to any state that represents how an object or situation influences a person. The term “core affect” has been recently introduced to refer to a basic, psychologically primitive state that can be described by two psychological properties: hedonic valence (plea- sure/displeasure) and arousal (activation/sleepiness). It is also possible to describe core affect in terms of related properties, such as energetic arousal (wide awake/sleepy) and tense arousal (tense/calm) (Rafaeli and Revelle, 2006; Thayer, 1989), or as negative activation (anxiety to calm) and posi- tive activation (excitement to fatigue) (Watson and Tellegen, 1985). These terminology differences really amount to preferences in how one describes the same affective space, and the different dimensions can be mathemati- cally derived from one another (Russell and Barrett, 1999). Core affect has been characterized as the constant stream of transient alterations in an organism’s neurophysiological and somatovisceral states that represent

OCR for page 189
 THE SCIENCE OF EMOTION its immediate relationship to the flow of changing events (Barrett, 2006b; Russell, 2003; Russell and Barrett, 1999). In a sense, core affect is a neu- rophysiologic barometer of an individual’s relationship to an environment at a given time. To the extent that an object or event changes a person’s “internal milieu,” it can be said to have affective meaning; these changes are what is meant when one says that a person has an affective reaction to an object or stimulus. They are the means by which information about the external world is translated into an internal code or representations (Nauta, 1971; Damasio, 1999; Ongur and Price, 2000). Core affect functions as a kind of “core knowledge” (see Spelke, 2000), the hard wiring for which is present at birth (Bridges, 1932; Emde, Gains- bauer, and Harmon, 1976; Spitz, 1965; Sroufe, 1979) and is homologous in other mammalian species (Cardinal, Parkinson et al., 2002; Rolls, 1999; Schneirla, 1959). Core affect is universal to all humans (Russell, 1983; Wierzbicka, 1992; Scherer, 1997; Mesquita, 2003), is evident in all instru- ment-based measures of emotion (for a review, see Barrett, 2006b), and forms the core of emotion experience (Barrett et al., 2007; Russell, 2003). Core affect (i.e., the neurophysiological state) is available to consciousness, and it is experienced as feeling pleasant or unpleasant (valence) and, to a lesser extent, as activated or deactivated (arousal) (for a review, see Rus- sell and Barrett, 1999). If core affect is a neurophysiologic barometer that sums up an individual’s relationship to the environment at a given time, then self-reported feelings are the barometer readings. Feelings of core af- fect provide a common metric for comparing qualitatively different events (Cabanac, 2002). Core affect is a precondition for first-person experiences of the world, language fluency, and memory; it modulates sensory process- ing to influence what people actually see, and in doing it so forms the core of conscious experience (for a review, see Duncan and Barrett, 2007). A person’s core affective state is largely, although not exclusively, in- fluenced by a process that has been called evaluation (Bargh and Ferguson, 2000; Brendl and Higgins, 1995; Tesser and Martin, 1996), appraisal (Arnold, 1960) or primary appraisal (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984), or valuation (Barrett, 2006c). Valuation can be thought of as a simple form of meaning analysis in which something is judged as helpful or harmful in a given instance, producing some change in a person’s core affective state. Judgments about whether stimuli or events are helpful or harmful or rewarding or threatening (whether those judgments are fleeting and auto- matic or more deliberate and effortful) help to influence the valence prop- erty of core affect. There is consensus across a broad swath of psychological research that humans evaluate and that the process of valuation is a basic aspect of mammalian functioning. People continually and automatically evaluate situations and objects (Bargh and Ferguson, 2000, but see Storbeck and Robinson, 2004) for their relevance and value—that is, whether or not

OCR for page 189
 HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN MILITARY CONTEXTS object properties signify something important to well-being, leading to mo- ment-to-moment fluctuations in core affect. An object is valuable when it is important to survival (Davis and Whalen, 2001) or when it is relevant to immediate goals (Rogers 1959; Smith and Kirby, 2001). Valuation largely occurs outside of awareness and conscious control (for a recent review, see Moors and De Houwer, 2006). Summary Overall, the available evidence suggests that there is no clear objective way to measure the experience of emotion. Emotion categories—such as anger, sadness, and fear—have thus far not clearly and consistently revealed themselves in the data on feelings, facial and vocal behaviors, peripheral nervous system responses, or instrumental behaviors. It has not yet been shown whether there are distinct brain markers for each emotion, but so far the available evidence does not encourage a commonsense view. How- ever, scientists are able to assess a person’s affective state (i.e., pleasure and displeasure) by indirect (see Berridge and Winkielman, 2003), experiential (Russell and Barrett, 1999), and objective means (in the face or body, e.g., Cacioppo et al., 2000). This affective state is a basic and core element in emotional responding. THE EMOTION PARADOX The evidence presented thus far frames a fundamental emotion paradox: people seem compelled by their own experiences to believe that emotions are biological categories given by nature, but objective, instrument-based measures of emotion provide evidence only of a person’s core affective state. How this dilemma is resolved depends on how seriously the evidence that is inconsistent with the commonsense view is treated. One way to resolve the emotion paradox is to assume that the data are flawed or otherwise not sufficient for testing the hypothesis that discrete emotions have distinct biobehavioral signatures. Social factors, such as display rules (cf. Ekman, 1972) or other regulation processes, might mask or inhibit prepotent responses that would otherwise be easy to measure. Response systems differ in their temporal dynamics, sensitivity, and reli- ability of measurement, and this might obscure the measurement of any patterns that exist (cf. Bradley and Lang, 2000). Moreover, laboratory stud- ies of emotion do not use emotion-eliciting stimuli that are strong enough to produce prototypical emotional responses and this may be why they are not observed (cf. Tassinary and Cacioppo, 1992).

OCR for page 189
 THE SCIENCE OF EMOTION In any of the research areas reviewed thus far, it is possible to find ad- ditional caveats to explain why the expected results have not been found. Self-reports are flawed, and experience may be epiphenomenal to emotion. Facial muscle measurements are too coarse-grained to capture complex sets of facial movements, and perceiver-based judgments of facial movements provide stronger evidence for the commonsense view. Most psychophysi- ological studies measure only a few output channels, providing a less than optimal test of the question of autonomic specificity. And neuroimaging investigations of emotion are just beginning, tend to confuse emotion perception with emotion induction, and do not give sufficient spatial reso- lution (not to mention the fact that people must lay immobilized inside a scanner). In sum, it is possible that distinct, natural kinds of emotions will reveal themselves in the brain and body if only scientists could find the right eliciting stimuli, have better measurement tools, or use more sophisticated and precise research designs. Although any of these explanations may be correct, an equally plau- sible explanation is that scientists have failed to observe stable and reliable biobehavioral patterns for each emotion because they are not there. If the commonsense view is held to the same empirical standard as other emo- tion models, then it is fair to say that the supporting evidence is equivocal at best. The evidence suggests the real possibility that there are no emo- tion mechanisms in the brain waiting to be discovered, producing a priori packets of outcomes in the body. Emotions may not be given to humans by nature, which raises the question of whether they are the appropriate categories to support a cumulative science. SuggESTIONS FOR A NEW PARADIgM For the most part, the field of emotion has accepted the first solution to the emotion paradox by explaining away disconfirming evidence as the result of imprecise measures, flawed experimental designs, and so on. This solution comes with large price tag: some of the most fundamental ques- tions about human emotion remain unanswered, and the majority of the empirical findings related to emotion do not seem to produce cumulative knowledge in the procrustean process of trying to fit the data into discrete categories. To be sure, better research about emotion means conducting bet- ter studies with better research tools. But it may also require a fundamental change in the way that researchers ask and answer questions about emo- tion. In essence, progress may require crafting a new scientific paradigm for the study of emotion.

OCR for page 189
206 HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN MILITARY CONTEXTS sion, see Öhman and Mineka, 2001)—but for the most part, people have to learn whether objects in the world are helpful or harmful. An object’s value is determined by its ability to change a person’s affective state. At least three questions seem important: What are the fast, rule-based and slow, associa- tive mechanisms by which such learning occurs (see Bliss-Moreau, Barrett, and Wright, 2007; De Houwer, Thomas, and Baeyens, 2001; De Houwer, Baeyens, and Field, 2005)? How malleable is such learning (see Bouton, 2005)? Are there individual differences in such learning (see Bliss-Moreau et al., 2006)? It would also be beneficial to study the processes involved in overcoming such learning in the moment. For example, it is well docu- mented that there are individual differences in the capacity to use controlled processing to overcome a prepotent or habitual response (Barrett, Tugade, and Engle, 2004). A second set of questions involve the conceptual processes that contrib- ute to the construction of emotion out of the more basic and primitive form of affective responding. For example, little is known about how language and conceptual knowledge for emotion lead people to see “anger” or “fear” in another person. Presumably, this distinction is important, because it will determine what sort of behavior the perceiver anticipates in the target per- son (e.g., aggression or withdrawal) and therefore what the perceiver does next. There is growing evidence from both social psychology and cognitive neuroscience research that language and conceptual information influence the perception of emotion in others. Biological measures of semantic pro- cessing (the N400 ERP signal and increased activity in the inferior frontal cortex) indicate that conceptual knowledge participates in emotion percep- tion as early as 200 milliseconds after the presentation of an emotional face (Balconi and Pozzoli, 2005; Nakamura et al., 1999; Streit et al., 1999, 2003). Furthermore, when words for emotion are temporarily taken off- line (using a behavioral paradigm called semantic satiation, which is the opposite of priming), judgments of emotions in the faces of other people are impaired (Lindquist, Barrett, Bliss-Moreau, and Russell, 2006), as is the ability to literally construct an image of a face as emotional (Gendron, Lindquist, Barrett, and Barsalou, 2006). The link between conceptual knowledge and emotion perception sug- gests that what people know about emotion will influence the emotions that they perceive in others (and in themselves). Yet scientists know very little about the content and structure of the conceptual system for emotion that plays a role in emotion perception. As children, people are socialized to learn the semantic, interpersonal, and behavioral scripts associated with specific emotion labels in their culture (Harris, 1993). Children as young as 2 readily label their emotional experiences (Bretherton, McNew, and Meeghly-Smith, 1981), but how they use such labels is another story (Widen and Russell, 2003). They rapidly learn the type of psychological events and

OCR for page 189
20 THE SCIENCE OF EMOTION abstract situations that are associated with particular emotion labels (e.g., fear, sadness, happiness, anger, guilt; see, e.g., Harris et al., 1987), and they are also aware of the typical actions and expressions that are supposed to accompany a particular emotional state (Trabasso, Stein, and Johnson, 1981). However, there may be significant variation in terms of how those rudimentary concepts are elaborated on the basis of episodic experience later in life. When individuals do not learn from experience, their emotion knowledge may be more stereotypic and less sensitive to changing contexts. Those individuals who do learn from experience will have more complex emotion representations and will have a greater range of personal cues to activate those representations and produce discrete emotional experiences. Presumably, the more that knowledge about the situation in incorporated in understanding what anger (or fear or sadness) is and what to do about it, the more precisely tailored an emotional response will be to the situation, resulting in more effective behavior and decision making. It is not just what a person knows, but how he or she uses that knowl- edge that determines whether an emotion perception is adaptive and effec- tive. The conceptual act model suggests that functional emotional behavior will depend in part on the resources that people have to use the conceptual knowledge they possess, especially when emotion perception is occurring in stressful situations (i.e., under cognitive load). A number of studies show that knowledge structures that are activated outside of awareness can have a profound influence on people’s subsequent thoughts, feelings, and be- haviors (for a review, see Bargh and Chartrand, 1999). When the concept “old” is activated, college-aged participants walk slower (Bargh, Chen, and Burrows, 1996). When the concept “African American” is activated, European American participants act more aggressively (Bargh, Chen, and Burrows, 1996). These effects can be overcome with more controlled pro- cessing, but only when sufficient cognitive resources are available. A similar result may occur with emotion knowledge. As a result, it is reasonable to hypothesize that executive resources (such as working memory capacity) will influence the modularity of emotion perception and emotional action. A cognitive module is defined as a fast, domain-specific set of processes that have evolved to handle particular types of information. Modules are assumed to be encapsulated and impenetrable (activities and outputs can- not be influenced by other classes of information, such as expectations or beliefs), reflexive (they provide predetermined outputs when predetermined inputs are present), and unconscious (it is impossible to reflect on the op- erations of a module). Working memory capacity can produce a kind of “functional modularity,” however, when a system appears modular but only because of insufficient attention (rather than because of the archi- tecture of the brain; see Barrett, Tugade, and Engel, 2004). Individuals who are lower in working memory capacity, or in situations that require

OCR for page 189
20 HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN MILITARY CONTEXTS intensive attentional resources, may produce functionally modular or re- flex-like responses that will be less strategic and flexible, and therefore less functionally effective. Theoretical Implications The conceptual act model not only suggests novel and innovative av- enues of research for understanding what emotions are and how they func- tion, but it emphasizes several broader themes that are important when understanding social behavior. First, the model emphasizes the relativity of emotion perception. Context influences the emotions that are perceived in both ambiguous (Carroll and Russell 1996; Fernandez-Dols, Wallbott, and Sanchez, 1991) and in nonambiguous (Trope, 1986) circumstances. For ex- ample, people of non-Western cultures have a more difficult time than those in Western cultures in categorizing facial behaviors into Western categories (Elfenbein and Ambady, 2002). Although people categorize facial behaviors effortlessly and often without awareness, this does not constitute evidence that categorization is a matter of merely “decoding” innate information that is “encoded” into the face. Second, the conceptual act model also has important psychological and philosophical implications for the relativity of social perception. If concep- tual knowledge of categories shapes the perception of social reality, and if learning shapes conceptual development, then learning may play a much larger role in shaping social reality than previously assumed. The malleable nature of category knowledge suggests that the construction of people’s social worlds may be vastly more culturally and individually determined than commonsense implies. Finally, the conceptual act model emphasizes the malleability of emo- tion perception. If conceptual knowledge intrinsically shapes the emotion that people see in others, then acquisition and elaboration of culturally bound emotion categories may influence people’s perceptual capacities. Knowing about a person’s culture will help to identify that person’s emo- tional state and therefore better predict his or her behavior. It may be that people can be taught to become better emotion perceivers and, hence, bet- ter communicators. In this way, cultural competence should contribute to cross-cultural relations and international diplomacy. Recent research has focused on the role of transnational competence (e.g., Koehn and Rosenau, 2002) in the development of successful transnational networks, projects, and diplomatic efforts. Training people to understand the fundamental differences in people’s experiences of the world might allow for better com- munication and collaboration in today’s global society.

OCR for page 189
20 THE SCIENCE OF EMOTION REFERENCES Adams, R.B., Jr., Gordon, H.L. Baird, A.A., Ambady, N., and Kleck, R.E. (2003). Effects of gaze on amygdala sensitivity to anger and fear faces. Science, 00(5625), 1536. Adolphs, R., Gosselin, F., Buchanan, T.W., Tranel, D., Schyns, P., and Damasio, A.R. (2005). A mechanism for impaired fear recognition after amygdala damage. Nature, (7021), 68-72. Akins, C.K. (2000). Effects of species-specific cues and the CS-US interval on the topography of the sexually conditioned response. Learning and Motivation, , 211-235. Akins, C.K., Domjan, M., and Gutierrez, G. (1994). Topography of sexually conditioned be- havior in male Japanese quail (Coturnix japonica) depends on the CS-US interval. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Animal Behavior Processes, 20,199-209. Allport, F.H. (1924). Social psychology. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin. Arnold, M. (1960). Emotion and personality. New York: Columbia University Press. Averill, J.R. (1980). A constructivist view of emotion. In R.Plutchik and H.Kellerman (Eds.), Theories of emotion (pp. 339-368). New York: Plenum. Bachorowski, J. (1999). Vocal expression and perception of emotion. Current Directions in Psychological Science, , 53-56. Balconi, M.P., and Pozzoli, U. (2005). Morphed facial expressions elicited a N400 ERP effect: A domain-specific semantic module? Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 46, 467-474. Bargh, J.A., and Chartrand, T.L. (1999). The unbearable automaticity of being. American Psychologist, 5, 462-479. Bargh, J.A., Chen, M., and Burrows, L. (1996). Automaticity of social behavior: Direct effects of trait construct and stereotype activation on action. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, , 230-244. Bargh, J.A., and Ferguson, M.J. (2000). Beyond behaviorism: On the automaticity of higher mental processes. Psychological Bulletin, 26(6), 925-945. Barrett, L.F. (1998). Discrete emotions or dimensions? The role of valence focus and arousal focus. Cognition and Emotion, 2, 579-599. Barrett, L.F. (2004). Feelings or words? Understanding the content in self-report ratings of experienced emotion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, (2), 266-281. Barrett, L.F. (2006a). Emotions as natural kinds? Perspectives on Psychological Science, , 28-58. Barrett, L.F. (2006b). Solving the emotion paradox: Categorization and the experience of emotion. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 0, 20-46. Barrett, L.F. (2006c). Valence as a basic building block of emotional life. Journal of Research in Personality, 0, 35-55. Barrett, L.F., Gross, J., Christensen, T.C., and Benvenuto, M. (2001). Knowing what you’re feeling and knowing what to do about it: Mapping the relation between emotion differ- entiation and emotion regulation. Cognition & Emotion, 5(6), 713-724. Barrett, L.F., Mesquita, B., Ochsner, K.N., and Gross, J.J. (2007). The experience of emotion. Submitted to Annual Review of Psychology, 5, 373-403. Barrett, L.F., and Russell, J.A. (1998). Independence and bipolarity in the structure of current affect. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, (4), 967-984. Barrett, L.F., Tugade, M.M., and Engel, R.W. (2004). Individual differences in working memory capacity and dual-process theories of the mind. Psychological Bulletin, 0(4), 553-573. Barrett, L.F., and Wager, T. (2006). The structure of emotion: Evidence from the neuroimaging of emotion. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 5, 79-85. Barsalou, L.W. (1999). Perceptual symbol systems. Behavioral & Brain Sciences, 22, 577-660.

OCR for page 189
20 HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN MILITARY CONTEXTS Barsalou, L.W. (2003). Situated simulation in the human conceptual system. Language and Cognitive Processes, , 513-562. Barsalou, L.W., and Ross, B.H. (1986). The roles of automatic and strategic processing in sensitivity to superordinate and property frequency. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition, 2, 116-134. Bechara, A., Damasio, A.R., Damasio, H., and Anderson, S.W. (1994). Insensitivity to future consequences following damage to human prefrontal cortex. Cognition, 50(1-3), 7-15. Bechara, A., Tranel, D., Damasio, H., and Damasio, A. (1996). Failure to respond autonomi- cally to anticipated future outcomes following damage to prefrontal cortex. Cerebral Cortex, 6, 215-225. Berridge, K.C., and Winkielman, P. (2003). What is an unconscious emotion? (The case for unconscious liking). Cognition & Emotion, (2), 181-211. Bliss-Moreau, E., Barrett, L.F., and Wright, C.I. (2007). Minimal affective learning. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Jan., Memphis, TN. Bloom, P. (2003). Descartes’ baby. New York: Basic Books. Bodenhausen, G.V., and Moreno, K.N. (2000). How do I feel about them?: The role of affec- tive reactions in intergroup perception. In H. Bless and J.P. Forgas (Eds.), The message within: Subjective experience in social cognition and behavior (pp. 283-303). Philadel- phia, PA: Psychology Press. Borgatta, E.I. (1961). Mood, personality, and interaction. Journal of General Psychology, 6, 105-137. Bouton, M.E. (2005). Behavior systems and the contextual control of anxiety, fear, and panic. In L.F. Barrett, P. Niednethal, and P. Winkielman (Eds.), Emotion and consciousness (pp. 205-227). New York: Guilford Press. Boyle, G.J. (1986). Higher-order factors in the differential emotions scale (DES-III). Personal- ity and Individual Differences, , 305-310. Bradley, M.M., and Lang, P.J. (2000). Measuring emotion: Behavior, feeling, and physiology. In R.D. Lane and L. Nadel (Eds.), Cognitive neuroscience of emotion (pp. 242-276). New York: Oxford University Press. Brendl, C.M., and Higgins, E.T. (1995). Principles of judging valence: What makes events positive or negative? Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, 2, 95-160. Brenner, C. (1974). On the nature and development of affects: A unified theory. Psychoanalytic Quarterly, , 532-556. Bretherton, I., McNew, S., and Beeghly-Smith, M. (1981). Early person knowledge as ex- pressed in gestural and verbal communication: When do infants acquire a theory of mind? In M.E. Lamb and L.R. Sherrod (Eds.), Infant social cognition: Empirical and theoretical considerations (pp. 333-371). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Bridges, K. (1932). Emotional development in early infancy. Child Development, , 324-334. Cabanac, M. (2002). What is emotion? Behavioural Processes, 60(2), 69-83. Cacioppo, J.T., Berntson, G.G., Larsen, J.T., Poehlmann, K.M., and Ito, T.A. (2000). The psychophysiology of emotion. In M. Lewis and J.M. Haviland (Eds.), The handbook of emotion (pp. 173-191). New York: Guilford Press. Cacioppo, J.T., Berntson, G.G., Klein, D.J., and Poehlmann, K.M. (1997). The psychophysiol- ogy of emotion across the lifespan. Annual Review of Gerontology and Geriatrics, , 27-74. Cacioppo, J.T., and Gardner, W.L. (1999). Emotion. Annual Review of Psychology, 50, 191-214. Camras, L.A., Lambrecht, L., and Michel, G. (1996). Infant surprise: Expressions as coordina- tive motor structures. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, 20, 182-195.

OCR for page 189
2 THE SCIENCE OF EMOTION Camras, L.A., Meng, Z., Ujiie, T., Dharamsi, S., Miyake, K., Oster, H., Wang, L., Cruz, J., Murdoch, A., and Campos, J. (2002). Observing emotion in infants: Facial expression, boy behavior, and rater judgments of responses to an expectancy-violating event. Emo- tion, 2, 179-193. Cannon, W.B. (1927). The James-Lange theory of emotions: A critical examination and alter- native theory. American Journal of Psychology, , 106-124. Cardinal, R.N., Parkinson, J.A., Hall, J., and Evritt, B.J. (2002). Emotion and motivation: The role of the amygdala, ventral striatum, and prefrontal cortex. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 26(3), 321-352. Carroll, J.M., and Russell, J.A. (1996). Do facial expressions signal specific emotions? Judg- ing emotion from the face in context. Journal of Personality and Social Psychological, 0(2), 205-218. Clore, G.L., and Ortony, A. (2000). Cognition in emotion: Always, sometimes, or never? In L. Nadel, R. Lane, and G.L. Ahern (Eds.), The cognitive neuroscience of emotion (pp. 24-61). New York: Oxford University Press. Damasio, A. (1999). The feeling of what happens: Body and emotion in the making of con- sciousness. New York: Harcourt Brace. Darwin, C. (1859/1965). The expression of the emotions in man and animals. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Dashiell, J.F. (1928). Are there any native emotions? Psychological Review, 5, 319-327. Davis, M., and Whalen, P.J. (2001). The amygdala: Vigilance and emotion. Molecular Psy- chiatry, 6(1), 13-34. De Houwer, J., Baeyens, F., and Field, A.P. (2005). Associative learning of likes and dislikes: Some current controversies and possible ways forward. Cognition and Emotion, , 161-174. De Houwer, J., Thomas, S., and Baeyens, F. (2001). Associative learning of likes and dislikes: A review of 25 years of research on human evaluative conditioning. Psychological Bul- letin, 2, 853-869. DeSteno, D., and Dasgupta, N. (2004). Prejudice from thin air: The effect of emotion on automatic intergroup attitudes. Psychological Science, 5, 319-324. Duffy, E. (1934). Is emotion a mere term of convenience? Psychological Review, , 103-104. Duffy, E. (1941). The conceptual categories of psychology: A suggestion for revision. Psycho- logical Review, , 177-203. Duncan, S.B., and Barrett, L.F. (2007). Affect as a form of cognition: A neurobiological analy- sis. Submitted to Cognition and Emotion, 2, 1184-1211. Dunlap, K. (1932). Are emotions teleological constructs? American Journal of Psychology, , 572-576. Dunn, B.D., Dalgleish, T., and Lawrence, A.D. (2006). The somatic marker hypothesis: A critical evaluation. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 0, 239-271. Ekman, P. (1972). Universals and cultural differences in facial expressions of emotion. In J.K. Cole (Ed.), Nebraska symposium on motivation (vol. 19, pp. 207-283). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Ekman, P. (1992). An argument for basic emotions. Cognition and Emotion, 6, 169-200. Ekman, P. (1994). Strong evidence for universals in facial expressions: A reply to Russell’s mistaken critique. Psychological Bulletin, 5, 268-287. Ekman, P., Campos, J.J., Davidson, R.J., and de Waal, F.B.M. (Eds.) (2003). Emotions inside out: 0 years after Darwin’s the expression of the emotions in man and animals. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. Ekman, P., Levenson, R.W., and Friesen, W.V. (1983). Autonomic nervous system activity distinguishes among emotions. Science, 22(4616), 1208-1210.

OCR for page 189
22 HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN MILITARY CONTEXTS Elfenbein, H.A., and Ambady, N. (2002). On the universality and cultural specificity of emo- tion recognition: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 2, 203-235. Emde, R.N., Gainsbauer, T.J., and Harmon, R.J. (1976). Emotional expression in infancy: A biobehavioral study. Psychology Issues, 0, Whole Monograph 37. Fanselow, M.S., and Lester, L.S. (1988). A functional behavioristic approach to aversively mo- tivated behavior: Predatory imminence as a determinant of the topography of defensive behavior. In R.C. Bolles and M.D. Beecher (Eds.), Evolution and learning (pp. 185-212). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Feldman, L.A. (1995). Valence focus and arousal focus: Individual differences in the structure of affective experience. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 6, 153-166. Feldman, L.F. (1993). Distinguishing depression from anxiety in self-report: Evidence from confirmatory factor analysis on nonclinical and clinical samples. Journal of Consulting & Clinical Psychological, 6, 153-166. Fernandez-Dols, J.M., Wallbott, H., and Sanchez, F. (1991). Emotion category accessibility and the decoding of emotion from facial expression and context. Journal of Nonverbal Behavior, 5, 107-123. Frijda, N.H. (1986). The emotions. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Frijda, N.H. (2006). The laws of emotion. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Gelman, S.A., and Hirschfeld, L.A. (1999). How biological is essentialism? In D.L. Medin and S. Atran (Eds.), Folkbiology (pp. 403-446). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Gendron, M., Lindquist, K., Barrett, L.F., and Barsalou, L. (2006). Language and the construc- tion of emotional percepts. Manuscript under review, Boston College. Goldstone, R.L., Steyvers, M., and Rogosky, B.J. (2003). Conceptual interrelatedness and caricatures. Memory & Cognition, , 169-180. Greene, J.D., Nystrom, L.E., Engell, A.D., Darley, J.M., and Cohen, J.D. (2004). The neural bases of cognitive conflict and control of moral judgment. Neuron, , 389-400. Haidt, J. (2001). The emotional dog and its rational tail: A social intuitionist approach to moral judgment. Psychological Review, 0, 814-834. Harris, P.L. (1993). Understanding emotion. In M. Lewis and J.M. Haviland (Eds.), Handbook of emotions (pp. 237-246). New York: Guilford Press. Harris, P.L., Olthof, T., Meerum, Terwogt, M. and Hardman, C.E. (1987). Children’s un- derstanding of situations that provoke emotion. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 0, 319-343. Hiatt, S., Campos, J., and Emde, R (1979). Facial patterning and infant emotional expression: Happiness, surprise, and fear. Child Development, 50, 1020-1035. Hunt, W.A. (1941). Recent developments in the field of emotion. Psychological Bulletin, , 249-276. Izard, C.E. (1972). Patterns of emotions. New York: Academic Press. Izard, C.E. (1994). Innate and universal facial expressions: Evidence from developmental and cross-cultural research. Psychological Bulletin, 5, 288-299. James, W. (1884). What is an emotion? Mind, , 188-205. James, W. (1894/1994). The physical basis of emotion. Psychological Review, 0, 205-210. Keltner, D., and Ekman, P. (2000). Facial expression of emotion. In M. Lewis and J.M. Haviland-Jones (Eds.), Handbook of emotions (2nd ed., pp. 236-264). New York: Guilford Press. Kim, H., Somerville, L.H., Johnstone, T. Alexander, A.L, and Whalen, P.J. (2003). Inverse amygdala and medial prefrontal cortex responses to surprised faces. Neuroreport, (18), 2317-2322. Koehn, P.H., and Rosenau, J.N. (2002). Transnational competence in an emergent epoch. International Studies Perspectives, ,105-127.

OCR for page 189
2 THE SCIENCE OF EMOTION Lang, P.J., Bradley, M.M., and Cuthbert, B.N. (1990). Emotion, attention and the startle reflex. Psychological Review, , 377-395. Lang, P.J., Greenwald, M.K., Bradley, M.M., and Hamm, A.O. (1993). Looking at pictures: Affective, facial, visceral, and behavioral reactions. Psychophysiology, 0(3), 261-273. Lazarus, R.S., and Folkman, S. (1984). Stress, appraisal and coping. New York: Springer LeDoux, J.E. (1996). The emotional brain: The mysterious underpinnings of emotional life. New York: Simon & Schuster. Levenson, R.W. (1992). Autonomic nervous system differences among emotions. Psychologi- cal Science, , 23-27. Levenson, R.W., Carstensen, L.L., Friesen, W.V., and Ekman, P. (1991). Emotion, physiology, and expression in old age. Psychology and Aging, 6, 28-35. Levenson, R.W., Ekman, P., and Friesen, W.V. (1990).Voluntary facial action generates emo- tion-specific autonomic nervous system activity. Psychophysiology, 2, 363-384. Lewontin, R. (2000). The triple helix: Gene, organism, and environment. Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press. Lindquist, K., and Barrett, L.F. (in press). Emotional complexity. Chapter to appear in M. Lewis, J. M. Haviland-Jones, and L.F. Barrett (Eds.), The handbook of emotion, 3rd edition. New York: Guilford. Lindquist, K., Barrett, L.F., Bliss-Moreau, E., and Russell, J.A. (2006). Language and the perception of emotion. Emotion, 6, 125-138. Loewenstein, G., and Lerner, J.S. (2003). The role of affect in decision making. In R.J. Davidson, K.R. Scherer, and H.H. Goldsmith (Eds.), Handbook of affective sciences (pp. 619-642). New York: Oxford University Press. MacLean, P.D. (1949). Psychosomatic disease and the visceral brain. Psychosomatic Medicine, , 338-353. Mandler, G. (1975). Mind and emotion. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Mauss, I.B., Levenson, R.W., McCarter, L., Wilhelm, F.H., and Gross, J.J. (2005). The tie that binds? Coherence among emotion experience, behavior, and physiology. Emotion, 5, 175-190. Mayer, J.D., and Gaschke, Y.N. (1988). The experience and meta-experience of mood. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 55, 102-111. Medin, D., and Ortony, A. (1989). Psychological essentialism. In S. Vosniadou and A. Ortony (Eds.), Similarity and analogical reasoning (pp. 179-195). New York: Cambridge Uni- versity Press. Mesquita, B. (2003). Emotions as dynamic cultural phenomena. In R.J. Davidson, K.R. Scherer, and H.H. Goldsmith (Eds.), Handbook of affective sciences (pp. 871-890). New York: Oxford University Press. Messinger, D.S. (2002). Positive and negative: Infant facial expressions and emotions. Current Directions in Psychological Science, , 1-6. Moors, A., and De Houwer, J. (2006). Automaticity: A theoretical and conceptual analysis. Psychological Bulletin, , 297-326. Nakamura, K., Kawahima, R., Ito, K., Sugiura, M., Kato, T., and Nakamura, A. (1999). Ac- tivation of the right inferior frontal cortex during assessment of facial emotion. Journal of Neurophysiology, 82, 1610-1614. Nauta, W.J.H. (1971). The problem of the frontal lobe: A reinterpretation. Journal of Psychi- atric Research, , 167-187. Nowlis, W. (1965). Research with the mood adjective check list. In S.S. Tomkins and C.E. Izard (Eds.), Affect, cognition, and personality: Empirical studies (pp. 352-389). New York: Springer. Nyklicek, I., Thayer, J.F., and Van Doornen, L.J. (1997). Cardiorespiratory differentiation of musically-induced emotions. Journal of Psychophysiology, , 304-321.

OCR for page 189
2 HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN MILITARY CONTEXTS Obrist, P.A. (1981). Cardiovascular psychophysiology. New York: Plenum Press. Obrist, P.A., Webb, R.A., Sutterer, J.R., and Howard, J.L. (1970). The cardiac-somatic rela- tionship: Some reformulations. Psychophysiology, 6(5), 569-587. Ochsner, K., and Barrett, L.F. (2001). The neuroscience of emotion. In T. Mayne and G. Bonanno (Eds.), Emotion: Current issues and future directions (pp. 38-81). New York: Guilford Press. Ohman, A., and Mineka, S. (2001). Fears, phobias, and preparedness: Toward an evolved module of fear and fear learning. Psychological Review, 0(3), 483-522. Ongur, D., and Price, J.L. (2000). The organization of networks within the orbital and medial prefrontal cortex of rats, monkeys, and humans. Cerebral Cortex, 0(3), 206-219. Ortony, A., Clore, G.L., and Collins, A. (1988). The cognitive structure of emotions. New York: Cambridge University Press. Ortony, A., and Turner, T.J. (1990). What’s basic about basic emotions? Psychological Review, , 315-331. Owren, M.J., Rendell, D., and Bachorowski, J.-A. (2005). Conscious and unconscious emotion in nonlinguistic vocal communication. In L.F. Barrett, P. Niedenthal, and P. Winkielman (Eds.), Emotion and consciousness (pp. 185-204). New York: Guilford Press. Panksepp, J. (1998). Affective neuroscience: The foundations of human and animal emotions. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. Papez, J.W. (1937). A proposed mechanism of emotion. Archives of Neurology & Psychiatry, 725-743. Payne, B.K., Cheng, S.M., Govorun, O., and Stewart, B.D. (2005). An inkblot for attitudes: Affect misattribution as implicit measurement. Journal of Personality and Social Psychol- ogy, , 277-293. Popper, K. (1959). The logic of scientific discovery. London, England: Routledge. Quigley, K.S., and Barrett, L.F. (1999). Emotional learning and mechanisms of intentional psychological change. In J. Brandtstadter and R.M. Lerner (Eds.), Action and develop- ment: Origins and functions of intentional self-development (pp. 435-464). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Quine, W.V.O. (1977). Natural kinds. In S.P. Schwartz (Ed.), Naming, necessity, and natural kinds (pp. 155-175). Ithaca NY: Cornell University Press. Rafaeli, E., and Revelle, W. (2006). A premature consensus: Are happiness and sadness truly opposite affects? Motivation and Emotion, 0, 1-12. Reisenzein, R. (1983). The Schachter theory of emotion: Two decades later. Psychological Bulletin, , 239-264. Rogers, C.R. (1959). A theory of therapy, personality, and interpersonal relationships, as developed from the client-centered framework. In S. Koch (Ed.), Psychology: A study of science. New York: McGraw-Hill. Rolls, J. (1999). The brain and emotion. New York: Oxford University Press. Roseman, I.J., Spindel, M.S., and Jose, P.E. (1990). Appraisals of emotion-eliciting events: Testing a theory of discrete emotions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 5, 899-915. Ruckmick, C.A. (1936). Psychology of feeling and emotion. New York: McGraw-Hill. Russell, J.A. (1983). Pancultural aspects of human conceptual organization of emotions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 5, 1281-1288. Russell, J.A. (1994). Is there universal recognition of emotion from facial expression? A review of the cross-cultural studies. Psychological Bulletin, 5, 102-141. Russell, J.A. (1995). Facial expressions of emotion: what lies beyond minimal universality? Psychological Bulletin, (3), 379-391. Russell, J.A. (2003). Core affect and the psychological construction of emotion. Psychological Review, 0, 145-172.

OCR for page 189
25 THE SCIENCE OF EMOTION Russell, J.A., Bachorowski, J., and Fernandez-Dols, J. (2003). Facial and vocal expressions of emotion. Annual Review of Psychology, 5, 329-349. Russell, J.A., and Barrett, L.F. (1999). Core affect, prototypical emotional episodes, and other things called emotion: dissecting the elephant. Journal of Personality and Social Psycho- logical, 6(5), 805-819. Russell, J.A., Weiss, A., and Mendelsohn, G.A. (1989). Affect grid: A single-item scale of pleasure and arousal. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 5, 493-502. Schachter, S. (1959). The psychology of affiliation. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Schachter, S., and Singer, J.E. (1962). Cognitive, social, and physiological determinants of emotional state. Psychological Review, 6, 379-399. Scherer, K.R. (1984). On the nature and function of emotion: A component process approach. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Scherer, K.R. (1997). The role of culture in emotion-antecedent appraisal. Journal of Personal- ity and Social Psychology, , 902-922. Scherer, K.R., Schorr, A., and Johnstone, T. (Eds.). (2001). Appraisal processes in emotion: Theory, methods, research. New York: Oxford University Press. Schneirla, T. (1959). An evolutionary and developmental theory of biphasic processes underly- ing approach and withdrawal. In M. Jones (Ed.), Nebraska symposium on motivation (vol. 7, pp. 1-42). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. Schwarz, N., and Clore, G.L. (1983). Mood, misattribution, and judgments of well-being: Informative and directive functions of affective states. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 5, 513-523. Seyfarth, R.M., and Cheney, D.L. (2003). Signalers and receivers in animal communication. Annual Review of Psychology, 5, 145-173. Shweder, R.A. (1993).The cultural psychology of emotions. In M. Lewis and J.M. Haviland (Eds.), Handbook of emotions (pp. 417-431). New York: Guilford Press. Shweder, R.A. (1994). You’re not sick, you’re just in love: Emotion as an interpretive system. In P. Ekman and R.J. Davidson (Eds.), The nature of emotion: Fundamental questions (pp. 32-44). New York: Oxford University Press. Sinha, R., Lovallo, W.R., and Parsons, O.A. (1992). Cardiovascular differentiation of emo- tions. Psychosomatic Medicine, 5, 422-435. Smith, C.A., and Ellsworth, P.C. (1985). Patterns of cognitive appraisal in emotion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, , 813-838. Smith, C.A., and Kirby, L.D. (2001). Toward delivering on the promise of appraisal theory. In K.R. Scherer and A. Schorr (Eds.), Appraisal processes in emotion: Theory, methods, research (pp. 121-138). New York: Oxford University Press. Solomon, R.C. (2003). Not passion’s slave: Emotions and choice. New York: Oxford Uni- versity Press. Spelke, E.S. (2000). Core knowledge. American Psychologist, 55, 1233-1243. Spitz, R.A. (1965). The first year of life. New York: International Universities Press. Sroufe, L.A. (1979). Socioemotional development. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Stemmler, G. (1989). The autonomic differentiation of emotions revisited: Convergent and discriminant validation. Psychophysiology, 26, 617-632. Stolarova, M., Keil, A., and Moratti S. (2006). Modulation of the C1 visual event-related component by conditioned stimuli: Evidence for sensory plasticity in early affective per- ception. Cerebral Cortex, 6, 876-887. Storbeck, J., and Robinson, M.D. (2004). When preferences need inferences: A direct com- parison of the automaticity of cognitive versus affective priming. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 0, 81-93.

OCR for page 189
26 HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN MILITARY CONTEXTS Streit, M., Dammers, J., Simsek-Kraues, S., Brinkmeyera, J., Wölwer, W., and Ioannides, A. (2003). Time course of regional brain activations during facial emotion recognition in humans. Neuroscience Letters, , 101-104. Streit, M., Ioannides, A., Lui, L., Wölwer, W., Dammers, J., Gross, J., Gaebel, W., and Müeller- Gärtner, H.W. (1999). Neurophysiological correlates of the recognition of facial expres- sions of emotion as revealed by magnetoencephalography. Cognitive Brain Research, , 481-491. Tassinary, L.G., and Cacioppo, J.T. (1992). Unobservable facial actions and emotion. Psycho- logical Science, , 28-33. Tesser, A., and Martin, L. (1996). The psychology of evaluation. In E.T. Higgins and A.W. Kruglanski (Eds.), Social psychology: Handbook of basic principles (pp. 400-432). New York: Guilford Press. Thayer, R. E. 1989. The biopsychology of mood and activation. New York: Oxford University Press. Timberlake, W. (1994). Behavior systems, associationism, and Pavlovian conditioning. Psy- chonomic Bulletin & Review, , 405-420. Titchener, E.B. (1909). A textbook of psychology. New York: Macmillan. Tomkins, S.S. (1962). Affect, imagery, consciousness: The positive affects. New York: Springer. Tomkins, S.S. (1963). Affect, imagery, consciousness: The negative affects. New York: Springer. Trabasso, T., Stein, N., and Johnson, L.R. (1981). Children’s knowledge of events: A causal analysis of story structure. In G. Bower (Ed.), Learning and motivation (vol. 15, pp. 237-282). New York: Academic Press. Trope, Y. (1986). Identification and inferential processes in dispositional attribution. Psycho- logical Review, , 239-257. Watson, D., and Clark, L.A. (1984). Negative affectivity: The disposition to experience aver- sive emotional states. Psychological Bulletin, 6, 465-490. Watson, D., and Clark, L.A. (1994). Manual for the positive and negative affect schedule (expanded form). Iowa City: University of Iowa. Watson, D., Clark, L.A., and Tellegen, A. (1988). Development and validation of brief mea- sures of positive and negative affect: The PANAS scales. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 5, 1063-1070. Watson, D., and Tellegen, A. (1985). Toward a consensual structure of mood. Psychological Bulletin, , 219-235. Whalen, P.J., Rauch, S.L., Etcoff, N.L., McInerney, S.C., Lee, M.B., and Jenik, M.A. (1998). Masked presentations of emotional facial expressions: Modulate amygdala activity with- out explicit knowledge. Journal of Neuroscience, (1), 411-418. Whorf, B.L. (1956). Language, thought, and reality. Boston, MA: MIT Press. Wierzbicka, A. (1992). Defining emotion concepts. Cognitive Science, 6, 539-581. Widen, S.C., and Russell, J.A. (2003). A closer look at preschoolers’ freely produced labels for facial expressions. Developmental Psychology, , 114-128. Wilson, F.A., and Rolls, E.T. (1993). The effects of stimulus novelty and familiarity on neuro- nal activity in the amygdala of monkeys performing recognition memory tasks. Experi- mental Brain Research, (3), 367-382. Wright, C.I., Martis, B., Schwartz, C.E., Shin, L.M., Fischer, H.H., McMullin, K., and Rauch, S.L. (2003). Novelty responses and differential effects of order in the amygdala, substan- tia innominata, and inferior temporal cortex. NeuroImage, (3), 660-669. Wundt, W.M. (1897). Outlines of psychology. Leipzig, Germany: Engelmann. Young, P.T. (1943). Emotion in man and animal; its nature and relation to attitude and motive. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Zuckerman, M., and Lubin, B. (1985). Manual for the MAACL-R: The multiple affect adjec- tive checklist revised. San Diego, CA: Educational and Industrial Testing Service.