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OCR for page 329
7
THE SCHOOLING OF
BLACK AMERICANS
329
OCR for page 330
Ill
'
7.le
~ i row
._ __
~_
MAYA
Jacob Lawrence
Graduation (1948)
Gouache on paper
The Evans-Tibbs Collection, Washington, D.C.
OCR for page 331
Black Americans have followed two
major strategies to try to improve the educational opportunities made avail-
able to their children. At times, they have pursued high-quality schooling
by insisting that segregated schools be provided equal educational resources.
At other times, convinced that equal-quality education and segregated schools
were incompatible, they have fought to integrate schools. At all times, blacks
have sought educational excellence and equal educational opportunity. These
goals are the principal concerns of this chapter. By educational excellence we
mean high standards of academic performance for teachers and students (see
Carnegie Forum, 1986; Holmes Group, 1986~. By equal educational oppor-
tunity we mean that the support-both financial and in human resources-
and the encouragement provided for education are equal for all students.
Equal educational opportunity is a complex concept. Prior to the mid-
1960s, equality of educational opportunity was defined in terms of quantifi-
able resource inputs, such as physical facilities, teacher credentials, and racial
mixture within the schools. But the Coleman-Campbell (1966) report Equals
ity of Educational Opportunity shifted conceptions of equal educational oppor-
tunity to the achievement results produced by the schools. Equality came to
be measured by school outputs, generally student scores on tests of achieve-
ment (see Coleman, 1968; Gordon, 1972; Mosteller and Moynihan, 1972~.
Implicit in this measure are the basic requirements for equal educational
opportunity: equivalent resources for the education of all students, including
equal curricular opportunities, teacher quality, and encouragement and ex-
pectation of learning. Missing from both measures are such factors as treat-
ment within schools and the economic and social returns to schooling (see
331
OCR for page 332
A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY
Brookover and Lezotte, 1981; Ogbu, 1978~. Because of the difficulty of
finding direct measures for these factors, however, in this chapter we focus
primarily on evidence about equal educational outcomes and changes over
time in differences in these outcomes.
Many different indicators of educational status can be used. Examples
include average years of school completed, average performance on achieve-
ment tests, representation in the population as a whole as compared to
representation in institutions of higher learning, and group differences in
attainment or achievement. We use a variety of such indicators to discuss
how far the United States has moved from a society providing low-quality,
unequal, and segregated schooling to blacks to a society providing excellent,
equal, and integrated schooling. Our answer to this broad, evaluative ques-
tion is based on an examination of four topics.
First, the chapter details changes in the basic outcomes of schooling such
as levels of enrollment and attainment. Second, it describes changes in school
performance, using achievement test scores and other indicators. Third, the
chapter deals with factors internal to the schools that affect educational
outcomes. It focuses on those aspects of the schooling process that are most
important for achievement levels. Fourth, factors external to the schools that
influence students' attainment and achievement are assessed: these include
family, neighborhood, peer group influences, and the social and academic
effects of desegregated schooling on blacks and whites.
ENROLLMENT AND ATTAINMENT
Trends in the enrollment and attainment status of blacks can be summa-
rized by three important findings. First, there has been a substantial reduc-
tion in black-white inequality in the basic amount of schooling received.
Second, noteworthy gaps between blacks and whites remain, especially in
terms of high school completion and rates of college attendance. Third,
there was a drop in college attendance by blacks from 1977 through 1982
and a divergence in the college enrollment chances of blacks and whites that
has persisted through the mid-1980s.
EARLY CH I LDHOOD EDUCATION
In the cohort of black males born in 1925, school enrollment rates ex-
ceeded 90 percent only when the cohort was between the ages of 10 and 12;
but in the cohort born in 1965, the rates were greater than 90 percent from
ages 7 to 14 and were greater than 95 percent from ages 9 to 12. Figure 7-1
shows the ratios of black/white school enrollment rates in the cohorts of
black men who were 5 years old in 1930, in 1950, and in 1970. Black
enrollment was less probable at every age than white enrollment in these
332
OCR for page 333
THE SCHOOLING OF BLACK AMERICANS
FIGURE 7-1 Black/white age-specific school enrollment rate ratios for boys aged 5
in 1930, 1950, and 1970.
1.00
oh
LL
ct 0.95
cr
Z 0.90
:E
o
by
111
111
I
by
0.85
0.80
0.75
0.70
0.65
O 0.60
o
0.55
O
Born in 1965
Or _
/ ,, "` Born in 1945
/ / / ~ NNx
- I ~``
I
-/ /
t /
I /
l
\Bornin1925\
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
\
5 7 9 11 13 15
AGE
Sources: Data from decennial censuses and Current Population Surveys.
17 19
cohorts, but approached those of whites in a wider range of ages in each
successive cohort.
The growth in formal schooling at younger ages continues as nursery
school, Head Start, and kindergarten attendance has increased throughout
the nation. Although the effects of participation in early schooling on aca-
demic achievement are mixed, the correlation of early school entry with later
school leaving does point to continuing growth in educational attainment.
Figure 7-2 shows age-specific school enrollment rates of cohorts of black and
white children at ages 3, 4, and 5 from 1968 to 1985. During this period,
for the first time, rates of participation in early schooling have not only
grown dramatically among black and white children, but they have often
been greater among blacks. The growth in schooling is most impressive at
the youngest ages: among black children, participation between 1968 and
1985 grew from 69 percent to 93 percent at age 5, from 30 percent to 52
percent at age 4, and from 10 percent to 34 percent at age 3. The sensitivity
of participation in early schooling to general social conditions and public
policy is suggested both by the overall increase in participation since the late
333
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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY
FIGURE 7-2 School enrollment of black and white children aged 3-5, 1968-1985.
Whites, Aged 5
80
111
o
of
Lid
z 50
Lid
o
_/ _ - Blacks, Aged 5
70
60
Blacks Aced 4
Blacks, Aged 3 /~
Whites, Aged 3
Whites, Aged 4
me'
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
1968 1970 1972 1974
976 1978 1980 1982 1984
YEAR
Sources: Data from decennial censuses and Current Population Surveys.
1960s and by the leveling off of growth in the late 1970s; there may even
have been a decline in school participation of 3- and ~year-olds after 1978.
HIGH SCHOOL ATTAINMENT AND DROPPING OUT
The median years of schooling for young blacks has risen sharply since
before World War II, narrowing the gap between blacks and whites almost
completely. In 1940, the median schooling for young black men was 6.5
years and for young white men it was 10.5 years, leaving a gap of 4 years;
for black women it was 7.5 years and for white women it was 10.9 years, a
gap of 3.4 years.) By 1980, the overall gap in median years of schooling had
declined to less than one-half year: 12.6 years for blacks and 13.0 years for
1. It is more difficult to measure and interpret trends in schooling among people in their late
teens and early 20s than among those at younger ages. The difficulty is partly because age and
grade in school are not so tightly linked and partly because it is far more difficult to sample
relevant populations by the later teen years (especially black males, who are missed by census
enumerators at relatively high rates). Consequently, we rely on reports of schooling at ages 25-
29 as our main source of information about high school completion. This age range is especially
useful for comparisons of schooling because by age 25 most people have completed both
secondary schooling and military service.
334
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THE SCHOOLI NG OF BLACK AMERICANS
FIGURE 7-3 Schooling of adults aged 25-29, by race and sex (in median years),
1940-1980.
13
9 12
of
-
o
o
I
C)
oh
in 10
o
co
~ 9 _
Z 8 _
7 _
11
6 _
o L
Hi/"?
_~'
-
-
-
1 1 1 ,, 1
White Men
,' White Women
Blacks/
/
~/ Black Men
1940 1950 1960
YEAR
Sources: Data Tom decennial censuses and Current Population Surveys.
1970 1 980
whites (see Figure 7-3~. While useful, however, median years of education
can be misleading as an indicator of group differences because educational
attainments of blacks and whites have become so concentrated at several
transition points in the schooling process, especially at high school gradua-
tion. Therefore, we also examined changes in the share of the population
that has completed major schooling transitions.
In 1940, more than 70 percent of young black adults and fewer than 40
percent of whites had completed no more than 8 years of schooling. The
percentage of adult Americans with this minimal level of schooling had
declined markedly by 1980 (see Figure 74~. Although there were still more
blacks than whites with 8 or fewer years of schooling, fewer than 7 percent
of blacks-or whites-were in this group. For the next transition, as recently
as 1940, only 11 percent of black men and 14 percent of black women had
completed high school, while white completion rates were at or near 40
percent. By 1980, high school completion had become almost universal
among white men and women: more than 87 percent reported that they
had completed high school (see Figure 74~. Although there was very rapid
growth in high school completion among blacks, by 1980, about one
335
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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY
FIGURE 74 Adults aged 25-29 with (a) 8 or fewer, (b) 12 or more, or (c) 16 or
more years of schooling, by race and sex, 1940-1980.
100
(a) 8 or Fewer Years
90
80
70
60
By
LL
O 50
IL
ILL
40
30
20
10
o
100
90 _
80
he
IL
() 50
IL
40
20
o
Black Women
Black Men
[21 White Women
White Men
_*
1940 1950 1960
YEAR
(b) 12 or More Years
60
Black Women
~ ~ Black Men
70 _ ~ White Women
~ white Men
1
1970 1 980
1940 1 950
1960 1970 1980
YEAR
Sources: Data Mom decennial censuses and Current Population Surveys.
336
OCR for page 337
THE SCHOOLING OF BLACK AMERICANS
FIGURE 7-4 (Continued)
30
25
20
' 1 5
cr
LL
CL
10
5
O _
(c) 16 or More Years
Black Women
Black Men
[~ White Women
White Men
ALL
1940 1950 1960 1970 1980
YEAR
quarter of young black adults still did not complete high school: 76 percent
of black women and 74 percent of black men reported high school comple-
tion.
It is difficult to reconcile estimates of 75 percent of blacks completing high
school by ages 25 to 29 with common reports of black high school dropout
rates approaching 50 percent. Such discrepancies may occur for many rea-
sons. For example, there is significant variation in dropout rates from place
to place. More important, there is little standardization of concepts or
methods for the measurement of high school "dropout" or even of high
school completion. For example, reports of high school completion by ages
25 to 29 may refer to certification by examination or the completion of
other forms of high school equivalence. About 450,000 people each year
achieve the equivalence of high school graduation by completing the GED
(General Educational Development Test), and about 60 percent of these
people are less than 24 years old. Blacks are overrepresented among those
taking the GED; 18 percent of those taking the GED examination in a 1980
sample were black. If blacks are represented in this proportion among those
taking and passing the GED at younger ages, then more than 40,000 young
black adults could be completing high school in this way each year.
Finally, some members of relevant populations just do not appear in social
337
OCR for page 338
A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY
surveys. By age 18, substantial numbers of youth with high school diplomas,
as well as some without, have entered military service, and they are far less
likely to be covered in the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey
(CPS), which is the most standardized source of dropout measurements.
Dropouts are defined as those who are not enrolled in high school or college
and have not already completed grade 12. At the same time, after age 16,
there are very serious, and perhaps growing, problems of surveying the black
population, especially black men. The CPS data show the dropout rate as
relatively low at age 16 among whites and blacks, with somewhat higher
dropout rates among blacks (around 10 percent) than among whites (7-8
percent) in 1970-1971. They show a precipitous fall in the dropout rates
among black men through 1978-1979 (with a very small rise subsequently)
and among black women from 1974-1975 through 1982-1983. By the close
of the period, the reported dropout rates of blacks of less than 6 percent are
more than a percentage point below those of whites. It is fair to say that
these reported trends are not credible, unless one is willing to disregard most
common knowledge about high school completion. The rapid downward
slide in reported dropout rates among blacks may reflect decreasing survey
coverage of dropouts, rather than actual decreases in dropout rates. Dropout
rates at ape 18~ which range from about 13 percent for white women to
~ 1 . _ 1 1_ 1 _ ~ ~
about 18 percent tor black men, appear somewhat more crease, crux Envy
also show a sharp decline among blacks and substantial convergence with
rates among whites.
For blacks and whites alike, there are essentially no sex differences in rates
of high school completion. From the mid-1960s to the late 1970s, high
school graduation grew from just over 70 percent to just under 90 percent
among whites, and it has since leveled off. Among young black adults aged
25-29, high school graduation has grown dramatically and almost continu-
ously, from about 50 percent in 1965 to nearly 80 percent in the early
1980s. Still, among young adults, high school graduation rates of whites
exceed those of blacks by about 10 percent, so blacks are about twice as
likely as whites not to graduate from high school.
COLLEGE ENTRY AND COMPLETION
Since 1977 there has been a marked decline in college entry among black
high school graduates. No definitive explanations of this decline have been
found. Little notice was taken of the decline until 7 years after it had begun;
public interest increased in the wake of visible declines in black enrollment
on the campuses of major universities and of occasional incidents of racial
conflict. Black college entry declined during a period of unprecedented
growth in the chances of white high school graduates to attend college (see
Figure 7-5).
The rate of black high school graduates attending college rose from about
39 percent in 1973 to about 48 percent in 1977-when it was virtually equal
338
OCR for page 339
THE SCHOOLI NO OF BLACK AMERICANS
FIGURE 7-5 Odds of college entry among recent black and white high school
graduates, 1969-1984.
-0.2
-.<
3: cn -0.4
He o
m Z 0 6 x
~ ~ -0.7 _
O O
-0.8
-0.9
_\
Blat
\
Whites
'it'
-
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
/
1969 1971 1973 1975 1977
1979 1981 1983
YEAR
Note: Data are adjusted for family income, sex, region, and metropolitan location.
Sources: Data Tom decennial censuses and Current Population Surveys.
to those of whites-and then fell continuously to about 38 percent through
1983. In 1986, the latest year for which national data are available, 36.5
percent of black high school graduates entered college in the fall after high
school graduation. In comparison, for 1973-1984, the college entry rate of
whites rose almost continuously from about 48 percent to 57 percent.
College entry rates rose most rapidly among whites after 1979, when blacks
had experienced a sharp drop in their rate of college entrance.
Among blacks and whites, the odds of college entry declined from the late
1960s to the early 1970s. After 1973 college entry chances rose, especially
among blacks, for whom they peaked in 1977. Among whites, college entry
leveled off between 1975 and 1979, but it has risen continuously since then.
Among blacks, a precipitous decline in college entry began in 1978. It
appears to have leveled off after 1981, with black college entry chances lower
than they were in the late 1960s.
In terms of college completion, blacks lagged far behind whites in 1940,
and the gap has not been closed. In 1940, fewer than 2 percent of black
women or men had completed college, compared with 5 percent and 7.5
percent of white women and men, respectively. By 1960, more than 5
percent of blacks had completed college; growth was slow between 1960 and
339
OCR for page 380
A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY
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THE SCHOOLING OF BLACK AMERICANS
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389
OCR for page 390
Representative terms from entire chapter:
black students
