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A Common Destiny: Blacks and American Society (1989)
Commission on Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education (CBASSE)

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2 BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY 55

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Kenneth Hayes Miller Bargain Hunters (1940) Oil on canvas National Museum of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Gift of the Sara Roby Foundation

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Black white relations in the United States have historically involved black subordination and exclusion from the major social institutions of society. In this chapter, we assess change over time in blacks' participation in American institutions and in black-white relations. Thus, we address the questions of how much "desegregation'' and "integration" have occurred in the United States since World War II. Throughout the discussion, desegregation refers only to the absence of seg- regation-the complete numerical exclusion of a group, in this case, blacks. Integration refers to the nature of intergroup relations, to the quality of group treatment or interaction that exists. Complete integration exists in a multiracial institution if: (1) there is sig- nificant numerical representation for each group; (2) each group is distrib- uted throughout the institutional structure; and (3) each group enjoys equal- ity, authority, and power within the institution. These conditions will not develop, according to Williams (1947) and Allport (1954), unless equal status of the races is achieved, common superordinate goals exist for all, and the process has authoritative sanction and support. In the 1980s, nearly all institutions in the United States are desegregated; few, if any, are completely integrated in this sense of the term. The first section notes conditions affecting the lives of blacks during the 10-year period before and during World War II. That period marked the end of an era in American race relations and is a good baseline against which subsequent social conditions can be appraised. However, as noted in Chapter 1, comparisons of social positions in the 1940s with those of the 1980s invariably lead to assessments of large improvement. Intermediate time points 57

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY are therefore considered to assess whether change has been sporadic or continuous. Our descriptions of black participation in areas such as housing, schools, the military, and sports also pay attention to social developments during the past 20 years, thus using the 1960s as a secondary baseline period. This strategy of comparison is used throughout the report. This chapter focuses on black participation in three major areas: social institutions, the military, public schools, and public accommodations and workplaces; residential neighborhoods; and social life, religious organiza- tions, sports, and arts and entertainment. Black participation varies consid- erably across these areas. General policies toward desegregation were insti- tuted earliest, and perhaps most successfully, in the military, where governmental authority is greatest. The desegregation of public schools was also the focus of considerable governmental authority, with less clear-cut results. The role of governmental authority and equality of treatment and black participation in housing and other sectors of social life vary greatly. In organized sports and arts and entertainment, in the absence of much govern- mental pressure, levels of black participation and equal treatment have been higher than those in most other areas of social life. In contrast, black partic- ipation in predominantly white residential neighborhoods has shown little change since 1960 despite some governmental pressure. Evidently, under- standing patterns of black participation involves complicated issues of gov- ernmental authority, attitudes toward black-white relations, and other social conditions. These issues are discussed in detail in Chapter 3. THE BASELINE PERIOD: 1935-1945 SOCIAL RELATIONS UNDER JIM CROW The basic demographic character of the black population during the 1930s was rural and southern. Segregation was the rule in public accommodations, health care, housing, schooling, work, the legal system, and interpersonal relations. This segregation was not "separate but equal"; virtually all facilities and services for blacks were fewer in number, much lower in quality, or more inaccessible than those for whites (Bell, 1986b:1, 5; Johnson, 1943~. For example, in public education, states operating under legislated segregated school systems spent far more on the education of white pupils than on that for black pupils. In the southern states for which data are available, per-pupil expenditures for whites averaged more than 3 times those for blacks (see Table 2-1~. In Mississippi, the rate of expenditure for whites was 7 times greater than that for blacks. Another example was health care, which was negligible for most rural black people, and in urban areas all-white hospitals and hospitals with less-than-equal, segregated black wings were common. Differential access to health care for blacks was reflected in great disparities in black and white mortality and morbidity rates (see Chapter 8~. In many parts of the South, km Crow laws segregated blacks in public 58

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State Value of School Property per Negro Pupil $ 29 $47.59 40 36.87 69.76 55.56 77.11 Expense per Pupil White Negro BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY TABLE 2-1 Per-Pupil Expenditures and Value of School Property in Selected _ ~= ~ Percent that $ per White Pupil Exceeds $ per Black Pup] $14.63 225.3% 13.73 168.5 26.95 158.8 16.95 227.8 20.49 276.3 Alabama Arkansas Florida Georgia . , . . . _oulslana Maryland Mississippi North Carolina South Carolina Texas Virginia Average Note: Data are based on average daily attendance. Source: Unpublished data Tom U.S. Department of Education. 45 186 14 54 44 80 77 52.01 4~6.02 57.33 72.72 $58.69 7.36 606.6 28.30 62.6 15.42 271.8 28.49 155.2 $18.82 211.8% . . . . . . transportation by restnct~ng waiting room, restroom, and transportation vehicle areas. Marriage between blacks and whites was illegal in all the southern states and in some other states as well. In the Deep South espe- cially, blacks were expected to "know their place" by exhibiting deferential behavior in all relations with whites. Infringements of the norms of segrega- tion or any open resistance to white domination were often met by violence. By official estimates, 46 black people were lynched in the South during the 1930s. Lynching did not always involve just hanging but sometimes included burning, mutilation, other forms of torture, and physical degradation (McAdam, 1982~. Such atrocities seldom resulted in the arrest of those involved. Local authorities often colluded in lynchings or stood by while they occurred. Segregation was more than simple black-white separation. With its poten- tial violence and basic inequality, segregation was a potent system of white control over the black population. While most black people did not have to confront lynch mobs, the potential for such violence loomed before them, and they could not depend on the legal system for protection (Franklin, 1969;Raper, 1933~. Segregation of whites and blacks was widely supported by whites through- out the nation. Data reported by Horowitz (1944) and surveys by the National Opinion Research Center (NORC) during the 1940s provide key information on preferences for segregation and the extent of racist beliefs. Although there were North-South differences, the data reported by Horo- witz (1944) show that most white Americans in 1939 thought blacks were 59

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY less intelligent than whites (69 percent), and unambiguously endorsed seg- regated restaurants, neighborhoods, and schools (99, 97, and 98 percent of southerners and 62, 82, and 58 percent of northerners, respectively). In 1944, the NORC found 80 and 47 percent of southerners and northerners, respectively, condoned labor market discrimination, agreeing with the state- ment that whites "should have the first chance at any kind of job," and thought that black-white inequality was essentially fair and mainly the fault of the shortcomings of blacks themselves. These beliefs were overwhelmingly accepted in the South, where it is fair to say that Jim Crow and the ideology of white supremacy were clearly dominant (Bobo, 1987~. Black-white segregation was pervasive throughout the United States, not just in the legally segregated South. Exclusion of black people was common in government, business, community associations, and in most unions. Moreover, the media generally promulgated the subordinate position of black people through widespread racist caricatures (see Norford, 1976:877- 878~. The images and understandings of black Americans held by whites were distinctly shaped by existing prejudices, and the gulf between these two groups was immense. Yet North-South differences and pressures toward change during World War II suggested both that the future would bring change in black-white relations and that many people, especially in the South, would resist. . . . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ . _ MIGRATION AN D URBAN IZATION Students of black-white relations in the United States have observed that World War II was a major catalyst to change. The war led to increased black migration to urban and northern areas, provided greater economic opportu- nities for blacks, brought many blacks and whites into close social contact for the first time, broadened the social and political horizons of many blacks, and led increasingly to the views that racist ideology and practice were evils inconsistent with basic democratic principles. During World War II and for 25 years afterward, the nation's economy grew at a rapid rate. Facing labor shortages, many industries, especially , . . . . . . . , _ c, durable goods manufacture, drew from a sector of the American economy that had a large labor surplus: agriculture, particularly the labor-intensive farms of the South. As a result, some of the northeastern and midwestern states and California gained large black populations between 1940 and 1970. During each of the three decades beginning in 1940, there was a net outmigration from the South of about 1.5 million blacks (see Figure 2-1~. This was about 15 percent of the South's black population at the middle of each decade. Thus, while 77 percent of blacks lived in the South in 1940 this figure had decreased to 53 percent by 1970. Many aspects of this migration have been clearly documented: migrants were younger and more extensively educated than those who remained, although their attainments were below those of comparably aged northern- born blacks; migration to the North frequently took place in steps, from a 60

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BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY FIGURE 2-1 Regional distribution of black population, 1939-1979. 1939 1979 Source: Data Tom decennial censuses. 1959 Northeast n Midwest _.. . South C:1 West rural farm area to a southern city, and then a second move to a northern city. Blacks most frequently went to large cities, such as Chicago, St. Louis, Philadelphia, and New York, as those cities were easily accessible by the rail lines linking the South and North. Later, there was movement into other northern areas, but many cities in the North-Minneapolis, Akron, and the manufacturing centers of upstate New York-attracted few black migrants and still have small black populations (see reviews in Farley, 1987; Letwin, 1986~. Blacks who moved to the North were relatively successful. In the 1960s, many commentators speculated-quite incorrectly, it is now known-that 61

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY TABLE 2-2 Black Percentage of Population of the 20 Largest U.S. Cities, 1940-1980 City a 1940 1960 1980 New York 6 14 25 Chicago 8 23 40 Philadelphia 13 26 38 Detroit 9 29 63 Los Angeles 4 14 17 Cleveland 10 29 4~4 Baltimore 19 35 55 St. Louis 13 29 45 Boston 3 9 22 Pittsburgh 9 17 24 Washington, D.C. 28 54 70 San Francisco < 1 10 13 Milwaukee 2 9 23 Buffalo 3 13 27 New Orleans 30 37 55 Minneapolis 1 2 8 Cincinnati 12 21 34 Newark 21 34 58 Kansas City 5 17 27 Indianapolis 3 21 22 aCiiies are listed by rank in tot pop~anon in 1940. the problems of declining northern cities were caused by the arrival of a poorly educated rural black population. They suggested that the southern blacks were culturally and intellectually unsuited for the complex life of the modern city. Given these deficiencies, it was argued that migrants withdrew from the search for regular employment and either depended on welfare or became criminals. A variety of studies since then have shown the error of many of these assertions. Compared with northern-born blacks, those born in the South who moved North were not extensively educated, but they worked longer hours, were less likely to be unemployed, and were somewhat more effective than northern-born blacks in translating their educational attainments into earnings. In addition, southern-born blacks were less likely to use welfare than those born in the North (Farley, 1987; Letwin, 1986~. One of the most dramatic consequences of the post-1940 migration was the change in the racial composition of the nation's cities. The 20 largest cities in 1940 are listed in Table 2-2 along with the percentage of their populations that were black in 1940, 1960, and 1980. In 1940, the popu- lations of just two of these cities, Washington and New Orleans, were one- quarter or more black; only five major northern cities had a black population equal to or exceeding the national average of 10 percent. In 1960, as a result of black migration, along with the suburbanization of whites, eight of those large cities were at least one-quarter black. This trend persisted in the follow- ing decades, and by 1980 five cities had black majorities and another seven 62

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BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY were more than one-quarter black. Only one city-Minneapolis-had a black population smaller than the national average of 11.7 percent. Black urbanization in turn had several consequences. As black voters be- came more influential in local and national affairs, articulate spokesmen for civil rights, such as Congressmen William L. Dawson of Chicago, Adam Clayton Powell of Harlem (New York), and Charles C. Digits of Detroit, were elected in the 1940s and 1950s. The development of a somewhat larger black middle class resulted in personnel and financial support for the civil rights struggle of the 1950s and 1960s. RISI NG BLACK PROTEST Many black Americans recognized the opportunity for change made pos- sible by World War II. Painfully aware of the disparity between democratic ideals and practice in the United States, blacks organized to use the interna- tional crisis to further their demands for equality at home. As the Pittsb?~r,gh Courier, a black-owned newspaper, stated (Dalfiume, 1968:96-97~: "What an opportunity the crisis has been . . . to persuade, embarrass, compel and shame our government and our nation . . . into a more enlightened attitude toward a tenth of its people. " In the face of almost universal discrimination against blacks in the armed forces and defense industries, organizations like the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) increased their protest activ- ities. A. Philip Randolph, a veteran black activist and founder of a major black union, the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, consolidated the protest sentiment and focused it on the seat of government. Arguing that only the power of the organized masses could effect change, he suggested that 10,000 blacks march on Washington, D.C., on July 1, 1941, under the banner: "We loyal Negro-American citizens demand the right to work and fight for our country." In response to Randolph's call, President Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802, which forbade discrimination in defense indus- tries and established the President's Committee on Fair Employment Prac- tices to monitor the private sector. With this victory in hand, Randolph cancelled the proposed march (Franklin, 1966:78~. Some important increases in black participation occurred in war industries, especially in shipbuilding and steel. In general, these increases came as pres- sures from the wartime economy and from civil rights groups grew more intense, forcing industry to hire more black workers (Weaver, 1946~. There were also major increases during the war in black participation in the military forces and civilian government service. These increases in the number of black workers were accompanied by opposition and conflict from manage- ment and white workers. Evidence that black protest during the war was likely to continue came from the worldwide surveys of American soldiers conducted by the War Department from 1941 to 1946 (Stouffer et al., 1949, Vol. I:Ch. 10~. These studies showed that black soldiers defined their circumstances in racial terms, 63

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY rejected discrimination and segregation, and emphasized equal rights. White soldiers, in contrast, did not think that blacks were dissatisfied and said that blacks were being treated fairly. Stouffer and colleagues (1949:507) con- cluded: "This underlying theme of Negro protest against and white compla- cency toward the racial status quo [could], in broad and somewhat oversim- plified fashion, be perceived in almost every aspect of Negro-white relationships. " The studies also showed large North-South differences among black sol- diers, with northern black men more likely to reject racial separation and to express willingness to enter combat (Stouffer et al., 1949:526-530~. The authors of The American Soldier summarized their interpretation of the broader implications of the research findings in words that foreshadowed much of the national debates in subsequent decades (Stouffer et al., 1949:599~: The problem, then, was one of justice within our existing institutional Eamework. Defenders of segregation and of other aspects of a system based upon racial categorization were in the difficult position of having no defense on the level of accepted principle against the claims of the Negroes.... That no more generally satisfactory solution to these conflicts emerged within the Army only reflects the inability of a single segment like the Army to accomplish what the larger society has yet to achieve. The war years saw an increase in black community activism, which formed a base for major changes in black-white relations in the 1950s and 1960s. Indeed, the issues of concern to blacks during the war years prefigured those that would become central to the civil rights movement and to the general issue of equal opportunity. Conflicts over public accommodations, occupa- tional mobility, housing, and media images were important both in the civilian and military domains. For many blacks, all of these were crucial issues. Whether it was outright violence or restrictive regulations aimed against black use of an officers club or black seating on a train, segregation and discrimination were viewed as barriers that black activism could and should change. BLACK PARTICIPATION IN SOCIAL I NSTITUTIONS SI NCE 1945 As the civil rights movement grew and black community organizations accelerated their campaigns, an increasing number of judicial, presidential, and congressional decisions, orders, and legislation aimed at dismantling barriers to black participation appeared. The first 20 years after World War II were an era of challenge to discriminatory barriers to black participation. We note a few important dates: 1948 President Truman in Executive Order 9981 directs the Armed Forces to institute equal opportunity and treatment among the races. 64

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BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY 1954 The Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Ed?~ca~on of Topeka rules against segregation of blacks and whites in public schools. 1955 President Eisenhower in E'cecutz~e Order 1059 establishes the Presi- dent's Committee on Government Employment Policy to fight dis- crimination in employment (replacing the Fair Employment Prac- tices Committee established by President Truman in 1948~. 1955 The 1955 Interstate Commerce Commission issues an order banning segregation of passengers on trains and buses used in interstate travel. 1957 The 1957 Civil Rights Act creates a six-member presidential commis- sion to investigate allegations of the denial of citizen's voting rights. 1960 The 1960 Civil Rights Act strengthens the investigatory powers of the 1957 civil rights commission. 1961 President Kennedy establishes the Committee on Equal Employ- ment Opportunity aimed against discrimination in employment. 1961 The Justice Department moves against discrimination in airport fa- cilities under the provisions of the Federal Airport Act and against discrimination in bus terminals under the Interstate Commerce Commission Act. 1962 President Kennedy in E'cec?~ve Order 11063 bars discrimination in federally assisted housing. 1964 The Civil Rights Act prohibits discrimination in public accommo- dations and employment. 1965 The Voting Rights Act suspends literacy tests and sends federal examiners into many localities to protect rights of black voters. 1968 Fair housing legislation outlaws discrimination in the sale or rental of housing. Few of these laws led to immediate implementation of their stated objec- tives. When practical gains did occur, they came after great efforts by many people to see that laws were enforced (Chapter 5~. There was intense con- gressional resistance to proposed changes, and many proposed laws were not enacted: anti-poll tax and anti-lynching legislation were defeated in Congress in 1949; a transportation bill prohibiting segregation or discrimination in interstate transportation was not cleared by the House Rules Committee in 1954; civil rights legislation in 1956 was held up by the Judiciary Commit- tee. And the 1960 Civil Rights Act was substantively altered to suit southern . . . congresslona . opposition. There were widespread attempts to intimidate black people who attempted to vote and engage in other political and social activities. Between 1955 and 1970, dozens of blacks and some white supporters were killed; private homes, places of business, and churches were bombed and fired on. 2'Iuch of the violence, and especially the bombings and attacks on demonstrators, was planned and often supported-or at least judiciously ignored-by local white authorities. The Ku Klux Klan, White Citizens' Councils, and other local organizations attempted to intimidate black people in order to halt the struggle for civil rights. 65

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY materials, characters, and culture. A few black authors, such as Frank Yerby and Willard Motley, attained success in the 1940s and 1950s with novels that were written about whites for a mainly white audience. General popularity of black artists may best be exemplified in popular music. During the 1950s, many creative artists, such as Chuck Berry, Little Richard, and B. B. King, received rather limited commercial success relative to the influence of their music on other artists and popular culture in general. During the 1960s and 1970s, black performers increasingly gained popularity with white audiences as the "Motown sound" created by entre- preneur Berry Gordy produced widely popular performers such as the Su- premes. The list of "crossover" or mass appeal artists has grown considerably since the 1950s and 1960s when performers such as Nat King Cole, Johnny Mathis, Ray Charles, Dionne Warwick, the Fifth Dimension, and Sam Cooke were reaching national top-ten charts. The largest selling album in history is Michael lackson's Thriller, and two other black performers, Lionel Richie and Whitney Houston, have albums on the top-ten list for the 1980s. Perhaps exemplifying the emergence and increased acceptance of the black American performing artist in modern music was trumpeter Wynton Mar- salis's winning of Grammy awards as both the top jazz soloist (1983-1985) and the best solo classical performance with an orchestra (1983-1984~. Popular music thus represents the field where the black presence has per- haps been most influential and is now most recognized and rewarded. Other areas-Fin, literature, and the visual arts-have a number of successful black artists, but barriers to black participation and recognition have not been removed to the same extent as in music (Powell, 1986; Stroman, 1986~. In film and television, for instance, the first appearances of blacks were as song-and-dance performers, musicians, and servants. Only in the late 1950s did major performers-Sidney Poitier, Sammy Davis, Tr., Harry Belafonte, Nat King Cole-begin to appear. Bill Cosby became the first black television performer in a costarring role in a regular television series, I Spy in the 1960s. In the 1970s, the black presence on television was widespread, although the relatively low rate of employment and limited types of roles in the industry evoked many protests and legal actions (Norford, 1976: 881-887~. Systematic reviews of research support several generalizations about blacks and television (Poindexter and Stroman, 1981~. Blacks were initially greatly underrepresented in television portrayals, but the trend has been toward increased visibility. However, blacks are generally presented in minor roles and low status occupations; stereotyping and unfavorable characterizations continue to be presented. As consumers, blacks are more likely than whites to rely heavily on television for both information and entertainment, and blacks are more likely than whites, on average, to credit television portrayals with realism. Blacks have distinctive preferences for programs that feature black characters. Finally, there is an almost total lack of empirical study of the content and influence of television programs featuring black characters and themes. . 102

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BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY CONCLUSION There are great differences in patterns of historical change and current rates of black participation in American society. Despite these differences, two major conclusions emerge. First, whether one considers arts and enter- tainment, religious institutions, public schools, or a number of other major institutions, black participation has increased significantly, whether the base- line is pre-World War II or the mid-1960s. Second, with the exception of the Army, where there is considerable integration, increased rates of black participation have not resulted in the elimination of racial separation in American life. Thus, while there has been increased access to housing for blacks in many areas of the nation, residential separation of whites and blacks in large met- ropolitan areas remains nearly as high in the 1980s as it was in the 1960s. This separation in housing underlies black-white patterns of separation in many other areas. For example, large-scale desegregation of public schools occurred in the South during the late 1960s and early 1970s and has been substantial in many small and medium-sized cities elsewhere; however, the pace of school desegregation has slowed, and black-white separation is still significant, especially outside the South. And because of the differential effects of educational tracking and differential social punishment rates, con- siderable separation of black and white students continues to exist even within desegregated schools. Within desegregated settings throughout American society, blacks do not share equal authority and representation throughout an organization or institution. In major institutions with considerable numerical representation of blacks at some levels (e.g., sports and entertainment fields), blacks are conspicuously absent Tom decision-making positions. Gaining insight into why black participation vanes so much across different spheres of social life requires analysis of the attitudes, values, and behavior of Americans that underlie the observed patterns. These dimensions of black-white relations are discussed in the next chapter. REFERENCES Alexander, A. 1978 Status of Minority Women in the Association of Intercollegiate Athletics for Women. Master's thesis, Temple University. Allport, Gordon W. 1954 The Nature of Dice. Boston: Beacon Press, and Reading, Mass.: Addison- Wesley. Armor, David J. 1980 White flight and the future of school desegregation. Pp. 187-226 in Walter G. Stephan and Joe R. Feagin, eds., School Desegregation: Past, Resent, and Future. New York: Plenum. 103

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY Ashe, Arthur 1988 A Hard Road to Glory: The History of the African American Athlete. Vol. I, 1619 Through 1918; Vol. II, 1919 Through 1945; Vol. III, Since 1946. New York: Warner Books. Bayles, Martha 1985 Television: the problem with post-racism. The New Public (August 5~:25-28. Becker, Henry Jay 1980 Racial segregation among places of employment. Social Forces 58~3) [March] :761- 776. Bell, Derrick 1986a The Gyroscopic Effect in American Racial Reform: The Law and Race from 1940 to 1986. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. 1986b Memorandum, an addendum to the paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Rcscarch Council, Washington, D.C. Bernstein, Richard 1988 August Wilson's voices from the past. The New Cork Times, March 22. Bobo, Lawrence 1987 Racial Attitudes and the Status of Black Americans: A Social Psychological View of Change Since the 1940s. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Bogart, Leo, ed. 1969 Soc?al Research and the Dese,gre,gat~on of the U.S. Army. Chicago: Markham Publish . ~ sing Company. Bontemps, Arna 1976 The black contribution to American letters: part I. Pp. 741-766 in Mabel M. Smythe, ea., The Black American Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice- Hall. Brisbane, Robert H. 1976 Black protest in America. Pp. 537-579 in Mabel M. Smythe, ea., The Black American Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. grower, Jonathan J. 1972 The Racial Basis of the Division of Labor Among Football Players in the National Football League as a Function of Stereotypes. Paper presented at the Pacific Sociological Association, Portland, Oregon. Bureau of the Census 1970 Statistical Abstract of the United States. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. 1988 StatisticalAbstractof the United States. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce. Bureau of Labor Statistics 1989 Empk~rnent and Earnings (Jan.~. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Labor. Burstein, Paul 1985 Discrimination, fobs' and Politics: The Snuggle for Equal Opportunity in the United States Since the New Deal. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Butler, John Sibley 1980 Symposium: race in the United States military. Armed Forces Ed Society 6 (4) [Summer]: 594-600 . Childs, John Brown, ed. 1987 Manuscript prepared for the Panel on Social and Cultural Change and Continu- ity, Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. 104

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BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY Chu, Donald B., and Jeffrey O. Segrave 1980 Leadership recruitment and ethnic stratification in basketball. Journal of Sport and Social Issues 5 (Fall/Winter): 13-22. Clay, Phillip L. 1979 The process of black suburbanization. Urban Affairs Quarterly 14~4)June]:405- 424. Coakley, Jay J. 1986 Sport in Society: Issues and Controversies. 3d ed. St. Louis: Mosby. Cohen, E. 1975 The effects of school desegregation on race relations. Law and Contemporary oblems 39:271-299. Coleman, James S., Sara D. Kelly, and John A. Moore 1975 Trends in School Segregation 1968-1973. Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute. Conot, Robert 1974 American Odyssey. New York: Bantam Books. Cook, Stuart W. 1979 Social science and school desegregation: did we mislead the Supreme Court? Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 5(4)[0ctober] :420-437. Crain, Robert, Jennifer A. Hawes, Randi L. Miller, and Janet R. Peichert 1986 Finding Niches: The Long-Term Effects of a Voluntary Interdistrict School De- segregation Plan. Department of Philosophy and Social Sciences, New York Teachers College. Dalfiume, Richard M. 1968 The forgotten years of the Negro revolution. Journal of American History 55(Junej :90-106. Davis, David Brion 1975 The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Evolution. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press. Davis, James H., and Woodwie W. White 1980 Racial Transition in the Church. Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon Press. Davis, John P. 1966 The Negro in the armed forces of America. Pp. 590-661 in John P. Davis, ea., The American Negro Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Edwards, Harry 1979 Sports within the veil: the triumph, tragedies and challenges of Afro-American involvement. Annals 445(September): 116-127. 1984 The black "dumb jock. " The College Board Renew 131 (Spring) :8-12. 1987 Opportunity knocks.SportsIIInstrated67(Novemberl6):15. Eitzen, D. Stanley 1986 Black Athletes in American Society Since 1940: Continuity and Change in Racial Barriers to Equal Participation. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National [Research Council, Washington, D.C. Eitzen, D. Stanley, and Norman R. Yetman 1977 Immune from racism. Cull Rights Digest 9(Winter3:2-13. Ely, Melvin Patrick 1985 Amos 'n' Andy: Lineage, Life and Legacy. Ph.D dissertation, Princeton Univer- sity. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International. Enloe, Cynthia 1980 Ethnic Soldiers: State Security Divided Societies. Athens: University of Georgia Press. 105

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY Epstein, J. 1980 After the Bus Arrives: Resegregation in Desegregated Schools. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, Boston, Massachusetts. Evans, Arthur 1979 Differences in recruitment of black and white football players at a big-eight uni- versity. journal of Sport and Social Issues 3(Fall/Winter):1-10. Eyler, Janet, Valerie J. Cook, and Leslie W. Ward 1983 Resegregation within desegregated schools. Pp. 126-162 in Christine H. Rossell and Willis D. Hawley, eds., The Consequences of School Dese,gre,gation. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Farley, Reynolds 1987 Changes in the Status and Characteristics of Blacks: 1940 to Mid-1980s. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Farley, Reynolds, and Walter Allen 1987 The Color Line and the Quality of American Life. New York: Russell Sage Founda- tion. Farley, [Reynolds, Toni Richards, and Clarence Wurdock 1980 School desegregation and white flight: an investigation of competing models and their discrepant findings. Sociolo,gyofEd~cation 53:123-139. Fligstein, Neil D. ~ . . .. ~. .. . . . . . . 1980 Who served in the military, 1940-1973? Armed Forces and Sock 6~2~[Winter]:297- 312. Foner, Philip Sheldon 1981 Organized Indoor and the Black Worker, 1916-1973. New York: Praeger. Franklin, John Hope 1966 A brief history of the Negro in the United States. Pp. 1-95 in John P. Davis, ea., The American Negro Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. 1969 From Sl~e~y to Freedom: A History of Negro Americans. ad cad. New York: Vintage Books. 1976 A brief history.... In Mabel M. Smythe, ea., The Black American Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prenuce-Hall. George, Zelma 1966 Negro music in American life. Pp. 731-758 in John P. Davis, ea., The American Ne,gro Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Gerard, H., and N. Miller 1975 School Dese,gre,gation. New York: Plenum. Gould, William B. 1977 Black Workers in White Unions. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press. Hadaway, C. Kirk, David G. Hackett, and James F. Miller 1984 The most segregated institution: correlates of interracial church participation. R0w of Religious Search 25 (March) :204-219. Hammond, John L. 1974 Revival religion and antislavery politics. American Sociological Renew 39(April): 175-186. Hawley, Willis D., ed. 1981 Effective School Desegregation: Equality, Quality, and Feasibility. Newbury Park, Calif.: Sages Publications. Helper, Rose 1969 Racial Policies and Practices of Real Estate Brokers. Minneapolis: University of Min- nesota Press. 106

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BLACK PARTICI RATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY Hirsch, Arnold R. 1983 Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Hocusing in Chicago: 1940-1960. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hochschild, Jennifer 1985 Thirty~ears After Brown. Washington, D.C.: Joint Center for PoliticalStudies. Horowitz, Eugene 1944 Racial attitudes. Pp. 141-147 in O. Klineberg, ea., Characteristics of the American Negro. New York: Harper & Row. Houston, Charles Hamilton 1944 The Negro soldier. The Nation (October 21~:496-497. Huggins, Nathan Irwin 1971 Harlem Renaissance. New York: Oxford University Press. Hughes, Langston 1976 Black influences in the American theatre: part I. Pp. 684-704 in Mabel M. Smythe, ea., The Blank American Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice- Hall. Johnson, Charles S. 1943 Patterns of Negro Segregation. New York: Harper & Row. Kelley, Dean M. 1972 Why Conservative Churches Are Growing. New York: Harper & Row. Kluger, Richard 1976 Simple]?~stice: The History of Brown v. Board of Education and Black America's Sole for Equality. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Kusmer, Kenneth L. 1976 A Ghetto Takes Shape: Black Cleveland, 1870-1930. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. La Farge, John 1956 The Catholic Viewpoint on Race Relations. New York: Harper & Row. Laney, Garrine P. 1986 The Evolution of Equal Employment Programs, 1940-1985. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Langberg, Mark, and Reynolds Farley 1985 Residential segregation of Asian-Americans in 1980. Sociology and Social Research 70(1):71-75. Lapchick, Richard 1984 Broken promises: Racism in American Sports. New York: St. Martin's Press. Letwin, Daniel 1986 Black Migration: 1940-1970. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Lieberson, Stanley L. 1980 A Piece of the Pie: Black and White Immigrants Since 1980. Berkeley: University of California Press. Lincoln, C. Eric 1984 ~e, Religion, and the Contin?~in,g American Dilemma. New York: Hill & Wang. Loescher, F. S. 1948 The protestant Church and the Negro. New York: Association Press. Long, Herman H. 1958 Fellowship for Whom? A Study of Racial Inclusiveness in Congregational Christian Churches. New York: Department of Race Relations, Board of Home Missions. Long, Larry, and Diane De Are 1981 Suburbanization of blacks. American Demographics 3~8) [September]: 16-21 ;44. 107

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY Longshore, Douglas, and Jeffrey Prager 1985 The impact of school desegregation: a situational analysis. Pp. 75-91 in Ralph H. Turner and James F. Short, Jr., eds., Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 11. MacGregor, Morris J., Jr. 1981 Integration of the Armed Farces, 1940-1965. Washington, D.C.: Center of Military History, U.S. Army. U.S. Government Printing Office. Marshall, Ray F., and Vernon Briggs 1967 The Negro and Apprenticeship. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press. Massengale, John D., and Steven E. Farrington 1977 The influence of playing position centrality on the careers of college football coaches. Renew of Sport and Leisure 2(June). Massey, Douglas S., and Nancy A. Denton 1987 Trends in residential segregation of blacks, Hispanics and Asians: 1970-1980. American Sociological Review 5246) [December] :802-825. Mays, Benjamin E. 1957 Seeking to Be Christian in Race Relations. New York: Friendship Press. McAdam, Doug 1982 Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970. Chicago: Univer- sity of Chicago Press. Meier, Kenneth J. 1984 Teachers, students, and discrimination: the policy impact of black representation. Journal of Politics 46:252-263. Mcier, Kenneth J., and Robert E. England 1984 Black representation and educational policy: are they related, American Political Science Renew 78 (June): 392~02. Mogull, Robert G. 1981 Salary discrimination in professional sports. Atlantic Economic Journal 9(September): 106-1 10. Moskos, Charles C. 1985 Blacks in the Army: an American success story. Atlantic Monthly, October. Moskos, Charles C., and John S. Butler 1987 Blacks in the Military Since World War II. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Murphy, M. D. 1980 The Involvement of Blacks in Women's Athletics in Member Institutions of the AIAW. Ph.D. dissertation, Florida State University. National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders 1968 Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. New York: Bantam Books. Neal, Larry 1976 The black contribution to American letters: part II, the writer as activist-1960 and after. Pp. 767-790 in Mabel M. Smythe, ea., The Black American Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Niebuhr, Richard H. 1929 The Social Sources of Denominationalism. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Norford, George E. 1976 The popular media: part II, the black role in radio and television. Pp. 875-888 in Mabel M. Smythe, ea., The Black American Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Northrup, Herbert Roof 1944 Organized Indoor and the Negro. New York: Harper & Brothers. 108

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BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY Orfield, Gary 1983 Public SchoolDese~gre~gationin the United States, 1968-1980. Washington, D.C.: Joint Center for Political Studies. Pascal, Anthony M., and Leonard A. Rapping 1970 Racial Discrimination in Organized Baseball. Santa Monica, Calif.: Rand Corpora- tion. Patchen, Martin 1982 B~ck-White Contact in Schools: Its Social and Academic Effects. West LaFayette, Ind.: Purdue University Press. Pinkney, Alphonso 1969B~ckAmericans.EnglewoodCliffs,N.J.:Prentice-Hall. Poindexter, Paula M., and Carolyn A. Stroman 1981 Blacks and television: a review of the research literature. fob 25~2~[Spring]:103- 122. Powell, Richard J. 1986 The Visual Arts and Afro-America, 1940-1980. Paper prepared for the Commit- tee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Raper, Arthur 1933 The Tragedy of Lynching. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Richardson, Harry V. 1976 Afro-American religion: part I, the origin and development of the established churches. Pp. 492-506 in Mabel M. Smythe, ea., The Black American Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Rist, Ray C. 1979 Desegregated Schools: Appraisals of an American Experiment. New York: Academic Press. Rosenblatt, Aaron 1967 Negroes in baseball: the failure of success. Trans-Action 4(September):51-53. Rossell, Christine 1978 School desegregation and community social change. Law and Contemporary Problems 42~3):133-183. Sabrosky, Alan 1980 Symposium: race and the United States military. Armed Forces ~ Society 6~4)[Summer] :601-606. Schexnider, Alvin J. 1980 Symposium: race and the United States military. Armed Forces em Society 6~4) [Summer] :606-613. 1983 Blacks in the military. Pp. 241-269 in The State of Black America. Washington, D.C.: National Urban League. Schofield, Janet 1986 School Desegregation and Black Americans. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Scully, Gerald W. 1974 Discrimination: the cost of baseball. In Roger G. Noll, ea., Government and the Sports Business. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution. Shogan, Robert, and Tom Craig 1964 The Detroit Me Dot: A Study in Violence. Philadelphia: Chilton Books. Simpson, George E., and J. Milton Yinger 1985 Dial and Cultural Minorities. 5th ed. New York: Plenum. 109

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A COMMON DESTINY: BLACKS AND AMERICAN SOCIETY Slavin, Robert E. 1978 Effects of Student Teams and Peer T?~torin,g on Academic Achievement and Time-on-Task. Report No. 253, Center for Social Organization of Schools. Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University. 1980 Cooperative learning in teams: state of the art. Education Psychology 15 :93-111. Stillman, Richard J., II 1976 Black participation in the armed forces. Pp. 889-926 in Mabel M. Smythe, ea., The Black American Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. Stouffer, Samuel A., Edward A. Suchman, Leland C. DeVinney, Shirley A. Star, and Robin M. Williams, Jr. 1949 The American Soldier. 2vols. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. Stroman, Carolyn A. 1986 The Mass Media and Black Americans. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Sumner, David E. 1983 The Episcopal Church's Involvement in Civil Rights, 1943-1973. Master's thesis, School of Theology, University of the South. Taeuber, Alma F. 1987 Memorandum to the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Washington, D.C. Taeuber, Karl E., and Alma F. Taeuber 1965 Ne~ros in Cities. Chicago: Aldine. Tolbert, Charles M. 1975 The Black Athlete in the Southwest Conference: A Study of Institutional Racism. Ph.D. dissertation, Baylor University. r . _ ~ rayes, J. J. 1969 The Negro in journalism: surveys show low ratio. Journalism Quarterly 46:5-8. U.S. Commission on Civil Rights 1977 Twenty Rears After Brown. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. Vose, Clement E. 1959 Caucasians Only: The Supreme Court, the NAACP; and the Resmctzve Covenant Case. Berkeley: University of California Press. Weaver, Robert 1946 Negro Labor: A National Problem. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World. Whalum, Wendell, David Baker, and Richard A. Long 1976 Afro-American music. Pp. 791-826 in Mabel M. Smythe, ea., The Black American Reference Book. Englewood Cliffs, N.~.: Prentice-Hall. White, Michael J. 1986 Segregation and diversity measures in population distribution. Population Index 52~2~:198-221. Williams, Robin M., Jr. 1947 The Reduction of Inter,gro?~p Tensions. Bulletin 57. New York: Social Science Research Council. 1977 Matinal Accommodation: Ethnic Conflict and Cooperation. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Wolsely, Roland Edgar 1971 The Black Hess. Ames: Iowa State University Press. Wolters, Raymond 1984 The Burden of Brown: Thirty Years of School Desegregation. Knoxville-: University of Tennessee Press. 110

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BLACK PARTICIPATION IN AMERICAN SOCIETY Wood, James R., and Mayer N. Zald 1966 Aspects of racial integration in the Methodist Church: sources of resistance to educational policy. Social forces 45 (December) :255-265. Yetman, Norman R., and D. Stanley Eitzen 1972 Black Americans in sports: unequal opportunity for equal ability. C=l Jets Digest (August):20-34. Yinger, J. Milton 1986 Black Americans and Predominantly White Churches. Paper prepared for the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, National Research Council, Wash- ington, D.C. Zoloth, B. 1976 Alternative measures of school segregation. Lund Economics 52(August):278-398. 111

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Representative terms from entire chapter:

predominantly white