Infectious disease is a kind of natural mortar binding one creature to another, one species to another, within the elaborate edifices we call ecosystems.
David Quammen (2007)
The advance of human civilization has brought people, plants, animals, and microbes together in otherwise improbable combinations and locations. While such biological introductions were once rare occurrences, human actions have all but eliminated the spatial and temporal barriers between species and ecosystems (Carlton, 2004). The profound consequences of human-mediated biological introductions include emerging infectious diseases: those caused by pathogens that have increased in incidence, geographic or host range; or that have altered capabilities for pathogenesis; or that have newly evolved; or that have been discovered or newly recognized (Anderson et al., 2004; Daszak et al., 2000; IOM, 1992).
Today, international travel and commerce (most notably the explosive growth of commercial air transportation over the past 50 years) drives the rapid, global distribution of microbial pathogens and the organisms that harbor them (IOM, 2003). These include humans, whose movements have been implicated in the
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Workshop Overview1
INFECTIOUS DISEASE MOVEMENT IN A BORDERLESS WORLD
Infectious disease is a kind of natural mortar binding one creature to
another, one species to another, within the elaborate edifices we call
ecosystems.
David Quammen (2007)
The advance of human civilization has brought people, plants, animals, and
microbes together in otherwise improbable combinations and locations. While
such biological introductions were once rare occurrences, human actions have all
but eliminated the spatial and temporal barriers between species and ecosystems
(Carlton, 2004). The profound consequences of human-mediated biological intro -
ductions include emerging infectious diseases: those caused by pathogens that
have increased in incidence, geographic or host range; or that have altered capa -
bilities for pathogenesis; or that have newly evolved; or that have been discovered
or newly recognized (Anderson et al., 2004; Daszak et al., 2000; IOM, 1992).
Today, international travel and commerce (most notably the explosive growth
of commercial air transportation over the past 50 years) drives the rapid, global
distribution of microbial pathogens and the organisms that harbor them (IOM,
2003). These include humans, whose movements have been implicated in the
1The Forum’s role was limited to planning the workshop, and this workshop summary has been
prepared by the workshop rapporteurs as a factual summary of what occurred at the workshop.
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INFECTIOUS DISEASE MOVEMENT IN A BORDERLESS WORLD
spread of diseases, including influenza (IOM, 2005); severe acute respiratory
syndrome (SARS; IOM, 2004); drug-resistant malaria (IOM, 2003; Martens and
Hall, 2000); and chikungunya2 in Europe (Angelini et al., 2007). Indeed, it is pos-
sible to travel between most places in the world in less time than the incubation
period for many infectious diseases (Wilson, 2003), as was illustrated in spring
2009 by the rapid, global spread of the new, swine origin, influenza A (H1N1)
virus (Dawood et al., 2009; Khan et al., 2009).
Travel is not only becoming increasingly rapid and more socially wide -
spread, but is also more ubiquitous. Travelers and tourists connect once-remote
areas, which serve as both “sources” and “sinks” for emerging infectious dis -
eases, to more developed regions. International trade in food and other agricul -
tural commodities, as well as in wildlife, has also increased markedly among
an ever-widening network of producers and markets. Pathogens accompany live
animals, plants, and their byproducts across continents and oceans; microbes and
vectors also hitch rides in ballast water3 and in shipping crates and containers.
Upon arrival in industrialized countries, such as the United States, potentially
disease-containing goods can be redistributed nationwide within hours.
Travel and trade have been linked with disease since antiquity. People
instinctively feared and isolated ill travelers long before the causative agents of
infectious diseases were known or described (Gushulak and MacPherson, 2000).
Quarantine laws, established to prevent the importation of plague—without
success—in fourteenth-century Venice, were eventually adopted throughout
Europe and Asia (Fidler et al., 2007; Markel et al., 2007).
International endeavors to contain infectious diseases commenced more than
150 years ago and are today embodied in the International Health Regulations
(IHR), which provide the legal framework for global cooperation on infectious
disease surveillance (IOM, 2007; Stern and Markel, 2004). While ideally there
are strong incentives for nations to support global efforts to address infectious
disease threats, such efforts have from their outset been characterized by a lack
of authority for enforcement and weak inducements for participation (Stern and
Markel, 2004).
More subtly, but no less importantly, introduced animals, plants, and microbes
can disrupt ecosystems in ways that increase the potential for infectious disease
outbreaks. Such changes can be more difficult to predict than the movements of
pathogens, and more daunting to prevent. The term “invasive species” is widely
used to describe plants and animals that spread aggressively when introduced to
and established in new environments freed from the constraints found in their
native environments (Dybas, 2004). Given both the similarities and characteris-
tics of such invasions with those of pathogenic microbes, it may prove fruitful
to view the origins of disease emergence, establishment, and spread through the
2A mosquito-borne viral disease.
3Water that is loaded and unloaded to balance cargo weight in ships.
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WORKSHOP OVERVIEW
larger ecological lens of invasive species, and consider intervention strategies and
approaches aimed at preventing and mitigating the far-reaching consequences of
biological invasions.
On December 16 and 17, 2008, the Institute of Medicine’s (IOM’s) Forum
on Microbial Threats hosted a two-day public workshop in Washington, DC, on
Globalization, Movement of Pathogens (and their hosts), and the revised IHRs.
Through invited presentations and discussions, participants explored a variety of
interrelated topics associated with global infectious disease emergence, detection,
and surveillance including the historical role of human migration and mobility in
pathogen and vector movements; the complex interrelationship of travel, trade,
tourism, and infectious disease emergence; national and international biosecurity
policies; and obstacles and opportunities for detecting and containing globalized
pathogens, thereby reducing the potential burden of emerging infectious diseases.
Organization of the Workshop Summary
This workshop summary was prepared for the Forum membership in the
name of the rapporteurs and includes a collection of individually authored papers
and commentary. Sections of the workshop summary not specifically attributed
to an individual reflect the views of the rapporteurs and not those of the Forum
on Microbial Threats, its sponsors, or the Institute of Medicine. The contents of
the unattributed sections are based on the presentations and discussions at the
workshop.
The workshop summary is organized into chapters as a topic-by-topic
description of the presentations and discussions that took place at the workshop.
Its purpose is to present lessons from relevant experience, to delineate a range of
pivotal issues and their respective problems, and to offer potential responses as
discussed and described by the workshop participants.
Although this workshop summary provides an account of the individual pre-
sentations, it also reflects an important aspect of the Forum philosophy. The work-
shop functions as a dialogue among representatives from different sectors and
allows them to present their beliefs about which areas may merit further attention.
The reader should be aware, however, that the material presented herein expresses
the views and opinions of the individuals participating in the workshop and not
the deliberations and conclusions of a formally constituted IOM consensus study
committee. These proceedings summarize only the statements of participants in
the workshop and are not intended to be an exhaustive exploration of the subject
matter or a representation of consensus evaluation.
Globalization: Processes, Patterns, and Impacts
The inexorable migration of the human species has profoundly influenced
Earth’s ecology. As our ancestors wandered across the African continent, onward
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INFECTIOUS DISEASE MOVEMENT IN A BORDERLESS WORLD
BOX WO-1
Factors Involved in Infectious Disease Emergence
• International trade and commerce
• Human demographics and behavior
• Human susceptibility to infection
• Poverty and social inequality
• War and famine
• Breakdown of public health measures
• Technology and industry
• Changing ecosystems
• Climate and weather
• Intent to harm
• Lack of political will
• Microbial adaptation and change
• Economic development and land use
SOURCE: Reprinted from Lancet Infectious Diseases, Morens et al. (2008), with
permission from Elsevier.
to Asia, Australia, Europe, and eventually to the Americas, as we explored the
ends of the Earth and beyond the confines of this planet, the vast entourage
of animals, plants, and microbes that have accompanied us on our journeys
has only amplified the impact of our species on every ecosystem that we have
encountered.
Among these “fellow travelers,” pathogens have flourished in new surround-
ings, while other microbes have colonized incoming migrant host species. Such
introductions, abetted by additional genetic, biological, social, and political fac -
tors associated with infectious disease emergence (see Box WO-1), have given
rise to epidemics throughout recorded history (IOM, 2003; Morens et al., 2008).
The current era of “globalization” affords frequent and widespread opportunities
for disease emergence, several of which are described in detail in later sections of
this overview. This section summarizes two presentations that opened the work -
shop by exploring the history and ongoing political and public health significance
of human migration and mobility.
Human Migration: Past, Present, and Future
In his overview of the history of human migrations, speaker Mark Miller,
a professor of comparative politics at the University of Delaware, emphasized
migration’s growing political importance (see Miller in Chapter 1). Considering
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WORKSHOP OVERVIEW
the present status of global migration as an indicator of future trends, he observed
that, “increasingly, the questions of peace and war revolve around migration.”
Highlights of Miller’s whirlwind tour of historic migrations included the fourth-
century convergence of a “crazy quilt” of ethic groups to establish the country we
now call France; the movement of Celts and Jews into Europe; the travels of Vikings
throughout the North Atlantic; and the eastward migration of Germans, counter to
other population flows across Europe. He noted that between 8000 B.C.E. and the
seventeenth century, four civilizations achieved “a rough kind of equilibrium” on
the Eurasian steppe: one was derived from Greece and Europe, one was of Middle
Eastern origin, another was Indian, and the last was Chinese.
Following that era, Miller noted, Europeans migrated to the Americas driven
by several factors, including:
• A population explosion in Europe,
• Development of resistance to diseases of the New World,
• The advent of capitalism, and
• The availability of affordable long distance travel.
Despite the fact that this influx of Eastern Europeans at the end of the nineteenth
and beginning of the twentieth centuries led to the emergence of the United States
as a world power, American suspicion of the “foreign born” greatly restricted
immigration between World War I and the 1960s.4,5
A “new age of migration” began in the 1970s, when longstanding migration
patterns reversed, rendering Europe a destination for immigrants. Concurrently,
Latin America became a net source of new migrants to the United States, and
immigration from Asia and Africa also increased. Today, as a result of what
Miller called the single most important relationship in the New Age of Migra-
tion, approximately 10 percent of Mexico’s population resides in the United
States, and Mexicans comprise about 5 percent of the U.S. workforce. These
circumstances are “emblematic of the increasing impact of migration around the
globe,” he concluded.
Miller predicted that as the global population grows unevenly—faster in
developing countries, more slowly and even negatively in developed countries—
migration will increase (see also Gushulak and MacPherson in Chapter 1). “Thirty
years ago there were two Europeans for every African,” he noted, citing United
4The first major wave of immigration to the United States, between 1820 and 1860, largely involved
English, Scotch, Irish, and Germans. The second wave included eastern Europeans (which encom -
passes many different ethnic groups including Russian and Polish Jews, people from the Balkans, and
southern Italians), and in much smaller numbers Chinese, Korean, and Japanese, as well as Mexicans
from the south.
5The passage of the quota systems described in the Immigration Act (Johnson-Reed Act, 43 Statutes-
at-Large 153) was in 1924; it was rescinded by the Immigration and Nationality Act (Hart-Cellar Act,
P.L. 89-236) of 1965.
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INFECTIOUS DISEASE MOVEMENT IN A BORDERLESS WORLD
Nations population estimates. “Today there are about equal numbers of Africans
and Europeans. In 30 years, there will be twice as many Africans as Europeans.”
These differences are likely to produce a world of regions that differ greatly
from each other, he continued, with “fundamental differences separating the rich
countries from the poor countries.”
Population Mobility and Public Health
While migration issues have become increasingly salient in politics and
diplomacy, Miller observed that relatively little attention has been paid to the
relationship between migration and health.6 Yet as speaker Brian Gushulak, of the
Canadian Immigration Department Health Branch, explained, this link is becom -
ing increasingly crucial, as the widening economic gap separating countries and
regions both contributes to, and results from, health disparities.
“It is possible to look at migration and population mobility as a metaphor for
the evolution of public health and public health security,” Gushulak remarked,
as he traced the history of public health through the various means advanced
against introduced diseases (see Gushulak and MacPherson in Chapter 1). Echo -
ing Miller’s conclusion that we have reached a new age of unprecedented migra -
tion, Gushulak noted that in the mid-1990s, approximately 200 million people—a
population exceeding that of all except the worlds’ four largest nations—fit the
United Nation’s definition of “migrant.”
Several major changes to immigration ushered in the current era:
• Post-colonial population flows;
• Refugee movements and displacements associated with humanitarian
emergencies and conflicts;
• The development of the concept of human capital and employment of
international temporary workers; and
• The increasing ease and declining cost of international transportation.
Together, these factors have produced unprecedented demographic changes in
receiving countries, rendering disease control processes and policies based on
historical patterns of migration irrelevant, according to Gushulak. “We simply
can’t keep up on a policy level as fast as the ground is changing underneath our
feet,” he said.
Modern human movements and migration practices have also become
increasingly difficult to characterize, due to the diverse origins of migrants,
6Thereis a wealth of medical historical literature on the topic. See Fairchild (2003), Kraut (1995),
and Markel (1997, 2004). There have also been dozens of immigrant health articles in the Journal of
the American Medical Association, New England Journal of Medicine, and other prominent medical
journals in the recent past, including recent outbreaks of cholera among migrants.
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WORKSHOP OVERVIEW
their often complex journeys, the variety of their experiences upon arrival and
resettlement, and the frequency with which many migrants return to their coun -
tries of origins for varying lengths of time. Moreover, in addition to migration
in the traditional sense (the one-way movement of people from one homeland to
another), nonmigratory human travel and trade7 provide pathogens with a wealth
of possibilities for relocation. Gushulak employed the more encompassing term
“mobility” to describe this collection of processes, all of which contribute to the
phenomenon of globalization.
Since pathogens readily cross geopolitical borders, only “functional disease-
based borders” matter, Gushulak argued. These boundaries occur between regions
that differ not only in terms of disease epidemiology, but also reflect general
health disparities due to socioeconomic factors such as poverty, education,
housing, nutrition, and access to care (see Figure WO-1). Mobile people (as
well as animals and plants) serve as biological bridges between such disparate
regions, thwarting attempts to confine infectious diseases within—or exclude them
from—national borders. Controlling the spread of infectious diseases across such
functional borders will require international cooperation in surveillance and report-
ing, Gushulak concluded, and mitigation or intervention strategies that focus on
mobility as a determinant of global public health, rather than on the containment
of specific diseases.
Travel, Conflict, Trade, and Disease
In discussions that focused on the rapid acceleration and expansion of inter-
national travel and trade as a catalyst of pathogen movements, workshop par-
ticipants considered various ways in which the movement of people and goods
influences the transmission dynamics of infectious diseases, and how these influ -
ences might be better understood in order to reduce the global burden of emerging
infectious disease. Workshop presentations examined the role of the traveler as a
sentinel—as well as a vector—for disease; the role of armed conflict in increas -
ing infectious disease risks; the complex and multifaceted relationship between
trade and disease; and the numerous and diverse risks associated with a global-
ized food supply.
Traveling Pathogens
Figures WO-2, WO-3, and WO-4 provide graphic illustrations of the cur-
rent state of global connectivity afforded by planes and ships (as well as cars,
trucks, and trains) that transport infected travelers, goods, and disease vectors
rapidly across vast distances. They also allow adventurous travelers to enter new
7 Includingthe exchange of animal- and plant-based items such as bush meat and homeopathic
medicines between migrants and family members or friends residing in their country of origin.
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Azerbaijan
Armenia
Middle East inset
Europe inset
Norway Turkmenistan
Turkey
Estonia
Sweden Health-Car e Capabilities
Cyprus
Latvia Syria
Lebanon
Lithuania Iraq Ir an
Denmark Pal. Afg.
Israel
Rus. Auth.
United
Netherlands Jordan
Ireland
Kingdom Kuwait
Poland
Germany
Bahrain
Boundary representation is Egypt
Belgium not necessarily authoritative.
Czech
Lux.
S aud i
Republic Qatar
Slovakia
U.A.E.
Arabia
Austria
Hungary
Caribbean inset
France Switz. Iceland
Slovenia Oman
San Bos. & Serbia Sudan
Finland
Croatia Her.
Marino
R us s i a
Kos. Cana da
Andorra Monaco Mont. Eritrea
Ital y Mace. Yemen
Belarus
Albania Area of
Spai n Ukraine
Europe Ethiopia
Djibouti
Kazakhstan
Moldova
inset Mongolia
Romania
Uzbekistan
Bulgaria Georgia Kyrgyzstan North
Malta Portugal Korea
U nited Sta tes Tajikistan
Greece South
Korea
Tunisia Afghanistan Chin a
Morocco Japan
Bhutan
Algeria Nepal
Pakistan
Libya
The Bahamas
Western
Sahara
Mexico
Taiwan
Burma
Indi a
Area of Laos
Mauritania
Caribbean Mali
Bangladesh Vietnam
Belize Niger
inset
Thailand
Senegal Chad
Burkina Philippines
Guatemala The Gambia Cambodia
Sudan
Faso Federated States Marshall
Guinea-Bissau Nigeria
El Salvador of Micronesia
Area of
Guinea Islands
Suriname Benin Palau
Sri Lanka
Honduras Ethiopia
Cen. Afr. Brunei
Middle East
Sierra Leone Rep.
French Guiana Cameroon
Nicaragua Liberia inset
Somalia
(France) Maldives Malaysia
Ghana Equa.
Costa Rica Dem. Uganda
Gui.
Cote Togo Singapore
Rep. Kenya
d’Ivoire Kiribati
Gabon
Ecuador Nauru
of the Indonesia
Rwanda
Sao Tome Seychelles
Congo
Papua New
& Prin. Rep. of Burundi Tanzania Guinea Solomon Tuvalu
the Congo
Peru Islands
Comoros Timor-Leste
Brazil
French Polynesia Samoa
Angola Malawi
(France) Zambia Fiji Tonga
Vanuatu
Bolivia Madagascar
New Caledonia
Mauritius
Botswana Zimbabwe (France)
Paraguay Namibia Mozambique
Australia
Swaziland
South
Caribbean inset Africa Lesotho
Uruguay
The Bahamas New
Chile
Argentina Zealand
Cuba
Dominican St. Kitts
Republic and Nevis
E x cellent Good Fa ir Po or U nsuita bl e
Antigua and
Haiti
Jamaica Barbuda Countries with developed health-care infrastructure, Countries with least developed health-care infrastructure.
Countries with less developed health-care infrastructure.
Countries with developed health-care infrastructure.
Countries with modern health-care infrastructure,
Guadeloupe (France) with quality care available to a large percentage of Medical care generally is unavailable or much of the
Medical care is unavailable to large sectors of the
Medical care generally is available, but relatively large
providing high-quality care to most of the population.
Dominica
the population. population is poorly served. Primary, secondary, and
Martinique (France) population. Tertiary care is minimally available; primary
sectors of the population lack adequate care. Tertiary
St. Lucia
tertiary health care availability depends on humanitarian
and secondary health care is rudimentary.
care generally is available, at least in major urban
St. Vincent and the Grenadines
Barbados organizations.
areas; primary health care exists but is underdeveloped.
Netherlands Grenada
Antilles (Neth.)
Trinidad
Pharmaceuticals usually are available; production Pharmaceutical availability depends on humanitarian
Pharmaceutical availability generally is restricted to
Pharmaceutical availability is good in urban areas;
Pharmaceutical availability and production capability
and
Panama Tobago capability is adequate. organizations.
urban areas, but production capabilities are limited.
minimally available in rural areas. Production capabilities
are excellent.
are generally limited but may be under rapid development.
Ve nezuel a
Guyana Upper-middle-income economies, with sufficient Health expenditures depend on outside assistance;
Lower-income economies; significant support
Lower-middle-income economies; budgetary resources
These high-income economies have more than
budgetary resources to meet the needs of the population. lowest income economies.
Suriname provided by outside assistance.
generally are available but often are not efficiently used.
sufficient budgetary resources.
Colombia
Health care is a high national priority. Health care is not a national priority.
Health care is a low national priority.
Health care is of national importance but may be
Health care and public health education are a
Br azil
overshadowed by other pressing demands
high national priority.
(i.e., political instability, conflict).
Source: National Center for Medical Intelligence.
FIGURE WO-1 Typology of countries by health care status.
SOURCE: NIC (2008b).
Figure WO-1 COLOR.eps
landscape
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WORKSHOP OVERVIEW
10 25000
FIGURE WO-2 The rate of globalization has accelerated to the point where we are con-
nected as never before via globalized travel -2 COLOR.eps
Figure WO and trade networks.
bitmap
SOURCE: Reprinted with permission from Hufnagel et al. (2004).
ecosystems and pick up new pathogens, which may then return with the traveler
to a new environment and, under appropriate circumstances, persist and spread
through new host populations.
The mobility of the global biota is one among many interacting factors that
contribute to infectious disease emergence: growing populations of humans and
food animals living in increasingly close proximity to each other, climate change
and extreme weather events, and changes in land use (IOM, 2003). This upheaval
occurs against a backdrop of microbial evolution, remarked Mary Wilson of
Harvard University, whose presentation explored the influence of human travel
on the geography of infectious diseases, as well as the role of the traveler as a
disease sentinel (see Wilson in Chapter 2). She noted that, in addition to enabling
pathogens to span vast distances through direct transmission, travel also introduces
antimicrobial resistance genes to new populations.
Some pathogens spread quickly upon introduction to a new environment,
while others do not survive the transition for lack of an appropriate environment,
vector, or host, Wilson observed. Introduced pathogens may meet with vulnerable
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0
FIGURE WO-3 World waterways network.
SOURCE: Figure derived from the Ship Traffic, Energy, and Environment Model (STEEM) developed at the University of Delaware (Wang,
2006; Wang et al., 2007).
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WORKSHOP OVERVIEW
FIGURE WO-4 International tourist arrivals by region (in millions), 1950-2020.
SOURCE: Reprinted with permissionWO-4 COLOR.eps
Figure from the UNWTO (2008).
bitmap
hosts—for example, people with low levels of immunity to the pathogen, or those
who live in a community with poor housing, water quality, and sanitation—or
with resilient ones. If an introduced pathogen produces an epidemic, it may or
may not be easy to control. The ease with which spread of infection can be inter-
rupted is determined, to a large extent, by the proportion of transmission that
occurs before the onset of symptoms or during asymptomatic infection (Fraser et
al., 2004). For this reason, Wilson explained, SARS was relatively easy to control,
while HIV/AIDS continues to spread, unabated, as a “silent” pandemic. 8
Vector-borne pathogens can travel with relative ease in the blood of viremic
hosts, such as human travelers, and upon introduction to a new environment with
competent vectors, spread quickly through a new host population, Wilson said.
This scenario appears to have occurred in the recent emergence of chikungunya
fever in new geographic areas and the expanding distribution of dengue viruses
in tropical and subtropical areas. A recent study of trends in emerging infectious
diseases finds that emergent events involving vector-borne diseases are occurring
with increasing frequency (Figure WO-5; Jones et al., 2008).
Travelers as Sentinels
Travelers represent an important sentinel population for disease emergence,
according to Wilson, who added that several surveillance networks have been devel-
oped to monitor infectious diseases in travelers. She is involved in the decade-old
8AIDS is thought of as a “silent pandemic” because the symptoms of illness are not readily apparent
until the “end stage” of illness.
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0 INFECTIOUS DISEASE MOVEMENT IN A BORDERLESS WORLD
• Overall risks to human life and health are expanding and accelerating,
• Incentives for political disagreement are increasing,
• Limitations on governance mechanisms are increasingly apparent, and
• Vulnerabilities of societies to “pathogen politics”19 are deepening.
While these realities present significant challenges to the implementation and
impact of IHR 2005, Fidler said, other international governance mechanisms
have proven comparatively weak and ineffective in addressing the many and
various drivers of infectious disease emergence and spread (e.g., migration, envi -
ronmental and climate change, antimicrobial resistance, armed conflict). These
failures reinforce the importance of the IHR 2005 to the future of global health,
he concluded.
Greater recognition of the potential of the IHR 2005 to promote global secu -
rity is key to their effective implementation, Heymann added. In the face of the
current global recession, he offered two arguments to dissuade those who might
favor reducing support for IHR 2005 implementation: its importance to public
health security and therefore, to overall global security; and to preserve the foun -
dation of health for economic development and redevelopment.
Bell’s presentation, entitled “Global Trade Security Depends on Implementa-
tion of the IHR,” echoed Heymann’s arguments, and explored how trade and tour-
ism stakeholders (e.g., international corporations, industry and trade associations,
ministries of trade and tourism) might support various aspects of the implementa-
tion of IHR 2005 (see Bell in Chapter 5). For example, Bell envisioned that an
international scheme to compensate individuals or countries for economic hard -
ships resulting from infectious disease outbreaks could be created as a public-
private partnership involving trade and tourism stakeholders, and structured as a
trust fund or insurance product.
“Business, trade, and tourism stakeholders, and those who support them,
such as the insurance industry, have a strong vested interest in working with
public health authorities to promote global health security,” according to Bell
(2008). “The IHR also promote global trade security, which may be provision -
ally defined as maintenance of a stable trade environment by promotion of safe
and unhindered travel and transport, stability of supply and distribution chains,
continuity of business operations, and safety of imports and exports. . . . For
businesses, industry associations, and international trade organizations and their
member states, promoting IHR implementation is good risk management, since
the risk of business and trade disruption is reduced in countries where the IHR
are implemented.”
Speaking informally with business leaders, Bell found that most had never
19 Dr. Fidler defines pathogen politics as the exercise of political power, the convergence and diver-
gence of political interests, and the use of political processes in national and international responses
to threats posed by pathogenic microbes.
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WORKSHOP OVERVIEW
heard of the IHR. However, he added, “they immediately understood its impor-
tance to them once the issues were explained. Their question was, what exactly
do you want us to do, what might the next steps be?” although their interest was
subsequently diverted by the global recession. Revision of the IHR was one of the
highest global health priorities of the U.S. government, but it risks sitting on the
shelf because support for its global implementation is lacking.
One World, One Health®20
Recognizing the importance of zoonoses as emerging diseases and the eco-
nomic impact of animal diseases, several workshop participants advocated expand-
ing the purview of surveillance under IHR 2005 by linking its human infectious
disease networks with those focused on animal diseases. A similar argument was
made to integrate infectious and foodborne disease surveillance by speaker David
Nabarro of the United Nations (UN), among others. Nabarro, who serves as the
UN’s coordinator for avian and human influenza, as well as for global food secu-
rity, applauded the advent of such an integrated strategy, known as One World, One
Health®, which he characterized as seeking “new ways of aligning action to better
address diseases that emerge at the interface between animals and humans in dif-
ferent ecosystems” (Schnirring, 2008).
Speaker Ottorino Cosivi of the WHO described the development of the One
World, One Health® strategic framework, which evolved from lessons learned in
efforts to address the threat of pandemic avian influenza. Partners in this frame -
work currently include the WHO, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the
UN (FAO), the World Organisation for Animal Health (OIE), the UN Children’s
Fund (UNICEF), and the World Bank. The concept of One World, One Health®
is embodied in projects such as the Global Early Warning and Response System for
Major Animal Diseases, Including Zoonoses (GLEWS), which is jointly operated
by the FAO, OIE, and the WHO (WHO, 2009a).
Role of the OIE Further alignment of human and animal disease surveil-
lance efforts appears promising based on comparisons between surveillance as
20 One World, One Health® is a registered trademark of the Wildlife Conservation Society. Health
experts from around the world met on September 29, 2004, for a symposium focused on the cur-
rent and potential movements of diseases among human, domestic animal, and wildlife populations
organized by the Wildlife Conservation Society and hosted by The Rockefeller University. Using case
studies on Ebola, avian influenza, and chronic wasting disease as examples, the assembled expert
panelists delineated priorities for an international, interdisciplinary approach for combating threats to
the health of life on Earth. The product—called the “Manhattan Principles” by the organizers of the
“One World, One Health®” event—lists 12 recommendations for establishing a more holistic approach
to preventing epidemic/epizootic disease and for maintaining ecosystem integrity for the benefit of
humans, their domesticated animals, and the foundational biodiversity that supports us all. For more
information, see http://www.oneworldonehealth.org/ (accessed July 16, 2009).
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INFECTIOUS DISEASE MOVEMENT IN A BORDERLESS WORLD
conducted under the IHR 2005, and through the OIE’s World Animal Health
Information System (WAHIS), by speaker Alejandro Thiermann of the OIE (see
Chapter 5). He described that organization’s efforts to address animal disease to
ensure animal health worldwide, food safety and safeguard global trade, which
parallel those of the WHO. Member countries are bound to report cases that
meet any of the following criteria to the WAHIS: diseases with potential for
international spread, apparent emerging diseases, diseases with zoonotic poten -
tial, and diseases that show significant spread in naïve populations. OIE reviews
and immediately publishes such reports on its World Animal Health Information
Database (WAHID), accessible by all member countries. When appropriate, OIE
also issues early warnings on a webpage.
Unlike IHR 2005, WAHIS can only publish official information, submitted
by its delegates (the chief veterinary officers of its member countries), Thiermann
explained. Nevertheless, he added, through collaborations with other surveil -
lance networks, including those operated by the WHO, the OIE searches non-
official sources of information for indications of “notifiable” disease events.
When evidence of such an event is detected, the information is submitted to
that country’s delegate for immediate confirmation or denial. In some cases, the
OIE has posted alerts based on such information in the absence of official con -
firmation, Thiermann said. For example, when Chinese officials did not confirm
unofficial reports indicating the presence of avian influenza in ducks in southern
China, the OIE nevertheless proceeded to notify its members. Official confirma -
tion was forthcoming from China, but not until 24 hours after this information
was posted.
Thiermann noted that when a disease event occurs at the interface of animal
and human health, ministries of health and agriculture within the same country
often respond differently; in such cases, only the WHO, or only the OIE, may
be notified. These situations are best managed through “a close collaboration”
that enables the exchange of information between the two organizations, and a
joint response to zoonotic threats, he said. Organizations with surveillance and
response functions for zoonotic diseases—particularly OIE, FAO, and WHO—
need to continually share and collaborate, he concluded.
Role of the WHO A variety of interagency collaborations promote the early
detection and control of disease at the animal-human interface, according to
Cosivi (see Chapter 5). He described a series of such formal agreements and joint
programs involving the WHO, and frequently, the OIE and the FAO as well, dat-
ing back to 1948. In addition to the previously described GLEWS and GOARN,
these include the following:
• The International Food Safety Authorities Network (INFOSAN), which
disseminates information and fosters international collaboration on food
safety (WHO, 2007);
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WORKSHOP OVERVIEW
• Global Salm-Surv, which promotes integrated laboratory- and epidemiology-
based foodborne disease surveillance (WHO, 2009c); and
• The Mediterranean Zoonoses Control Program, which supports the pre-
vention, surveillance, and control of zoonoses and foodborne diseases
and serves as a platform for interagency collaboration for country-level
capacity building to address these diseases (WHO, 2009b).
Cosivi described the development of the “One World, One Health®” strategy
as a paradigm shift in public health, from the “response and rehabilitation mode”
characterized by initial attempts to address avian influenza, to prevention and
preparedness for all emerging infectious diseases. “To prevent human diseases,”
he concluded, “we need to increase attention to prevention, surveillance, and
control in wild and domestic animal health, animal production and food systems,
and the environment.”
Building Capacity and Trust
In order to build on the foundation provided by the IHR 2005 and the “One
World, One Health®” strategic framework, according to Nabarro the following
three challenges must be resolved (see Chapter 5):
1. Implementing adequate systems and capacities to conduct global sur-
veillance and respond to global public health emergencies (e.g., animal
surveillance for H5N1 influenza);
2. The need to engage all stakeholders, and particularly the private sector,
in global disease surveillance and response, recognizing that some key
groups do not perceive such action to be in their best interest; and
3. Most importantly, to create the most important incentive for participation
in global health initiatives: trust.
Building capacity In addition to previously described workshop discussions
that addressed Nabarro’s first point, regarding the need for capacity-building
(and for funding to support it), Tomori advocated equal emphasis on the national
and international spread of diseases. “The practice of ‘dangling the carrot’ of
international resources for responding to a disease outbreak (e.g., vaccines,
funding, and foreign expertise) as an incentive for reporting such an outbreak
may undermine the determination of resource-constrained countries to develop,
strengthen, and maintain national core surveillance and response capabilities,”
he contended (see Tomori in Chapter 4). “Moreover, it is far more efficient to
contain disease outbreaks than to respond to full-blown epidemics.” Making
a similar argument from a global perspective, Forum member Terence Taylor,
of the International Council for the Life Sciences, observed that in an age of
mobile populations such as those described by Gushulak (see Chapter 1), border
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INFECTIOUS DISEASE MOVEMENT IN A BORDERLESS WORLD
biosecurity “is less important than building . . . national core infectious disease
surveillance capacity.”
Tomori stated that countries should be encouraged to develop the capacities
to report, detect, and investigate suspected disease outbreaks and thus prevent
sporadic cases from escalating to epidemics, and that more resources be provided
for establishing and maintaining disease surveillance systems at the national
level. He described the establishment of the acute flaccid paralysis (AFP) surveil-
lance system, backed by an African region-wide laboratory network, as a model
for such national surveillance systems.
The only way to make progress on global health governance is to empower
countries to develop their own surveillance capacities, Nabarro said. Developing
countries must be encouraged to work with other countries in their subregions
to develop networking and common approaches across nearby borders, but such
efforts have to originate within countries, he insisted.
Engaging all stakeholders Nabarro, whose remarks focused on the issue of
conducting effective global disease surveillance and response in an atmosphere
of increasing suspicion toward the value of globalized initiatives, recalled that,
for a time, the threat of pandemic avian influenza generated “unity of purpose
and synergy of action.” Although occasional discord arose, coordination between
donors, foundations, national governments, regional bodies, and international
nongovernmental groups was strong.
“What was the incentive that brought so many disparate groups to work
together as if in a strong magnetic field, and not to lose their separateness?
Answer: It certainly wasn’t cash,” Nabarro said, because although money was
available, it moved slowly, and little of it made it to those organizations that
were working in concert. Instead, he observed, these groups were motivated
to join a global movement. “They found it both attractive and at the same time
comforting . . . to be coherent, to be together, to be joint stakeholders within
a movement,” he concluded, adding that the same force has motivated recent
collaborations to address HIV/AIDS, and to eradicate polio (as described by
Heymann; see Chapter 1). “I believe that the best incentive for working together
on surveillance, on reporting, on response, is the creation of a movement that is
open enough, strong enough, inclusive enough, to enable hundreds of different
stakeholders to feel at home inside it,” he concluded.
Two Forum members—Gail Cassell, of Eli Lilly, and Phil Hosbach, of
Sanofi Pasteur—urged that such collaborations include another stakeholder in
global disease control not mentioned specifically by Nabarro: the pharmaceutical
industry. For example, Hosbach said, pharmaceutical companies represent the
solution to one of the critical challenges to influenza surveillance. “The benefits-
sharing that these countries are looking for is . . . [protection] from influenza, and
what better way to do that than with vaccine?” he asked. Heymann agreed that
industry had served as “a faithful partner in the influenza pandemic and vaccine
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WORKSHOP OVERVIEW
production,” but he maintained that pharmaceutical companies have not “brought
to the table any solutions to make vaccines available.” Resolving this impasse
would require dialogue between global public health and industry groups, focused
on solving this critical problem, he observed.
Building trust “You can’t get results on control of H5N1 or other diseases
through compulsion,” Nabarro continued. “If you compel, then people start to
hide, they fail to explain, they don’t involve themselves. So it is absolutely
essential to build the necessary trust so that the work can progress.” Moreover, he
said, mistrust among stakeholders in a common enterprise, such as global disease
surveillance and response, must be anticipated, insured against, and addressed as
soon as it arises.
The United States has been the strongest and most consistent leader in pro -
moting global collaborations to address H5N1 influenza over the past three years,
Nabarro said. While he encouraged the United States to continue this leadership,
despite the risks involved, he also encouraged inclusiveness. Likening the role of
the United States as the builder of a tent to be occupied by a host of stakeholders
in global health, he advised the country to “make the tent so it is big enough, but
also so that it is open enough . . . [and] exciting enough to bring people in.”
Toward Resilience
Workshop participants were compelled to discuss the unfolding worldwide
economic crisis and its possible repercussions for global public health. Nabarro
suggested that any among a range of potential shocks—including pandemic dis-
ease, climate change, food crisis, and recession—would have similar effects on a
given community or individual household, depending upon its overall resilience.
“The stronger, most resilient households will survive,” he said, and “in many
cases . . . resilience can be surprising.” Less resilient households, particularly
those that have recently moved from a subsistence into the market economy,
will not be so fortunate, he continued, and are likely to decline into subsistence;
this will be especially likely for women-headed households and those in which a
breadwinner becomes ill or disabled.
Therefore, in the context of global recession, and in order to prepare people,
communities, and countries to withstand any of the various threats looming on
the horizon, Nabarro advocated the promotion of resilience. He noted that the
World Bank has taken a leadership role in this effort, but this effort will require a
multifaceted approach that includes public health. He also advocated continued
support, led by the United States, for development assistance “geared toward
efficient action, leverage, and [the] empowerment of local communities to do
more for themselves.”
Reflecting on workshop presentations and discussions that encompassed his-
tory, public health policy, ecology, and medical science, Relman considered the
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INFECTIOUS DISEASE MOVEMENT IN A BORDERLESS WORLD
relationship between diversity and resilience. “Is there an aspect of diversity that
predicts resistance to perturbation?” he asked. “One might look for this feature
in patterns of diversity amongst susceptible host species or in diversity amongst
local response mechanisms, or both, to mention a few possibilities.”
“It sounds to me as though many people are suggesting that there is no one
global fix for the kinds of problems we are talking about,” Relman continued.
Rather, he concluded, we are presented with a set of possible local solutions, based
on common principles, which can be adapted and strengthened to support specific
ecosystems, communities, and public health capacities.
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