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11
EQUITY AND DIVERSITY IN SCIENCE AND
ENGINEERING EDUCATION
C
ommunities expect many things from their K-12 schools, among them the
development of students’ disciplinary knowledge, upward social mobility,
socialization into the local community and broader culture, and prepara-
tion for informed citizenship. Because schools face many constraints and persistent
challenges in delivering this broad mandate for all students, one crucial role of a
framework and its subject matter standards is to help ensure and evaluate educa-
tional equity. In the committee’s judgment, concerns about equity should be at the
forefront of any effort to improve the goals, structures, and practices that support
learning and educational attainment for all students. See Box 11-1 for a discussion
of different interpretations of equity.
In this chapter, we highlight equity issues that relate to students’ educational
experiences and outcomes in science and engineering. We argue that the conclu-
sions and principles developed here should be used to inform any effort to define
and promote standards for science and engineering education. Issues related to
equity and diversity become even more important when standards are translated
into curricular and instructional materials and assessments.
SCIENCE AND ENGINEERING LEARNING FOR ALL
Promoting scientific literacy among all of the nation’s people is a democratic
ideal worthy of focused attention, significant resources, and continuing effort.
To help achieve that end, the committee thinks not only that standards should
reflect high academic goals for all students’ science and engineering learning—as
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BOX 11-1
WHAT IS EQUITY?
The term “equity” has been used in different ways by different communities of researchers and educators. Equity
as an expression of socially enlightened self-interest is reflected in calls to invest in the science and engineering
education of underrepresented groups simply because American labor needs can no longer be met by recruiting
among the traditional populations. Equity as an expression of social justice is manifested in calls to remedy the
injustices visited on entire groups of American society that in the past have been underserved by their schools
and have thereby suffered severely limited prospects of high-prestige careers in science and engineering. Other
notions of equity are expressed throughout the education literature; all are based on the commonsense idea of
fairness—what is inequitable is unfair. Fairness is sometimes considered to mean offering equal opportunity to
all. The most commonly used definition of equity, as influenced by the U.S. Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of
Education (1954, 1955) and Lau v. Nichols (1974), frames equity in terms of equal treatment of all.
outlined in this framework—but also that all students should have adequate
opportunities to learn.
America’s children face a complex world in which participation in the
spheres of life—personal, social, civic, economic, and political—require deeper
knowledge of science and engineering among all members of society. Such issues
as human health, environmental conservation, transportation, food production
and safety, and energy production and consumption require fluency with the core
concepts and practices of science and engineering. As McDermott and Weber [1]
point out, a major goal for science education should be to provide all students
with the background to systematically investigate issues related to their personal
and community priorities. They should be able to frame scientific questions perti-
nent to their interests, conduct investigations and seek out relevant scientific argu-
ments and data, review and apply those arguments to the situation at hand, and
communicate their scientific understanding and arguments to others.
Students could go yet further, because a growing number of important
occupations in the 21st century—including those in expanding fields of science,
technology, engineering, and mathematics as well as in many other segments of
the workforce—will make use of the practices of scientific analyses, argumenta-
tion, communication, and engineering design. Providing more equitable access
to the knowledge and practices associated with science- and engineering-related
occupations requires a more equitable achievement of science and engineering
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literacy [2, 3]. All students should be able to learn about the broad set of pos-
sibilities that modern life offers and to pursue their aspirations, including their
occupations of interest.
Considering Sources of Inequity
Today there are profound differences among specific demographic groups in
their educational achievements and patterns of science learning, as in other sub-
ject matter areas. The reasons for these differences are complex, and research-
ers and educators have advanced a variety of explanations. We cannot address
all of them in this chapter, so we focus instead on two key areas. The first links
differences in achievement to differences in opportunities to learn because of
inequities across schools, districts, and communities. The second considers how
approaches to instruction can be made more inclusive and motivating for diverse
student populations.
Other sources of inequity that are important but beyond the scope of this
chapter are nevertheless important to keep in mind. For example, low learning
expectations and biased stereotypical views about the interests or abilities of
particular students or demographic groups also contribute, in both subtle and
overt ways, to their curtailed educational experiences and inequitable learning
supports [4-6]. Students’ own motivation and interest in science and engineering
can also play a role in their achievement and pursuit of these fields in secondary
school and beyond. Thus attention to factors that may motivate or fail to moti-
vate students from particular demographic groups is important to keep in mind
when designing instruction.
Students’ preparation in other subjects, especially literacy and mathemat-
ics, also affects their achievement in science. If some groups of students fail to
become effective readers and writers by late elementary school, teachers have
difficulty helping them to make progress—not only in science but also across all
subject areas. These students fall further behind, and the problem for teachers
grows more complex and challenging. Such dynamics can, in effect, reinforce the
low-expectation tracking of students as they move through school, thereby sig-
nificantly reducing their access to science and engineering pathways through K-12
and limiting the possibility of their going to college.
Students’ Capacity to Learn Science
But can all students aspire to the science and engineering learning goals outlined
in the framework? Psychological and anthropological studies of human learning
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broadly show that all individuals, with a small number of notable exceptions,
can engage in and learn complex subject matter—especially if it connects to areas
of personal interest and consequence—when supportive conditions and feedback
mechanisms are in place and the learner makes a sustained effort [7, 8]. As we
detail in the next section, a growing set of studies in science education show a
similar consensus that students—from across social classes and other demographic
groupings—can learn science when provided with supportive conditions to learn
over an extended period [9-12]. Significant and persistent achievement gaps in
science do exist on national and state assessments for low-income and minority
students, but these outcomes should not be seen as stemming from an inability of
some students to be capable of engaging in sophisticated learning.
Educational standards should therefore establish science and engineering
learning goals that reflect common expectations for all students. Just as they are
expected to learn how to read and write, they should also be expected to learn the
core ideas and practices of science and engineering.
EQUALIZING OPPORTUNITIES TO LEARN
Science and engineering are growing in their societal importance, yet access to a
high-quality education in science and engineering remains determined in large part
by an individual’s socioeconomic class, racial or ethnic group, gender, language
background, disability designation, or national origin. As summarized by Banks
et al.: “Being born into a racial majority group with high levels of economic and
social resources—or into a group that has historically been marginalized with low
levels of economic and social resources—results in very different lived experiences
that include unequal learning opportunities, challenges, and potential risks for
learning and development” [9]. Many students from lower socioeconomic strata
enter formal schooling with smaller academic vocabularies [13], have less access to
organized extracurricular activities and supplemental supports [14], and have less
social capital mobilized on their behalf than their more economically advantaged
peers [15]. Given the expectations of schooling, these differences pose numerous
❚ All individuals, with a small number of notable exceptions, can
engage in and learn complex subject matter . . . when supportive
conditions and feedback mechanisms are in place and the learner
❚
makes a sustained effort.
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educational challenges that make positive learning outcomes difficult to attain.
That said, students from lower socioeconomic strata often engage in more self-
directed, creative play and receive support from a broader network of extended
family members [14].
Achievement gaps are well documented, in science as well as in other sub-
ject areas, for black, Hispanic/Latino, and American Indian students. High school
dropout rates are disproportionately high for these same groups. Girls’ interest in
science dramatically declines compared with boys’ as students transition into mid-
dle school, and women continue to be underrepresented in a number of science
and engineering fields and on the science and engineering faculties of many colleg-
es and universities. The causes of these differences in educational achievement and
professional attainment are multiple, explanations for them are somewhat contest-
ed, and in many ways they are the result of complex developmental processes that
are difficult to study [15]. But one perspective on how these achievement differen-
tials occur is to understand that they often result from “resource gaps” or gaps in
“opportunities to learn” [16, 17].
Arguably, the most pressing challenge facing U.S. education is to provide all
students with a fair opportunity to learn [17-19]. Many schools lack the material
resources and instructional supports needed to provide exemplary science instruction
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❚ Arguably, the most pressing challenge facing U.S. education is to
provide all students with a fair opportunity to learn. ❚
to all students on a regular basis. For example, in a survey of California teachers, 54
percent stated that they were indeed in that situation [20]. The study indicated that
such shortages were more likely at schools that served high percentages of students
at risk of low academic performance. These same schools were also more likely
to have teachers who were uncredentialed or asked to teach outside their field of
expertise. While science or engineering institutions can help nearby schools provide
high-quality learning experiences for their students (e.g., with experts from industry
who visit the classroom, student trips to science centers and aquariums, teacher par-
ticipation in university programs), access to these assets cannot overcome the effects
of inequitable in-school resources across the breadth of schools, and indeed they can
reinforce those effects. The development of common and rigorous standards for use
with all students rests on the assumption that all students are provided with similar
learning opportunities.
Over the past decade, accountability pressures—generated by the focus on
student achievement as measured by high-stakes assessments—have heightened
the curricular emphasis on mathematics and English/language arts and lowered
attention to (and investment in) science, art, and social studies—especially at the
elementary school level. In another California study—this one involving elementa-
ry school teachers in nine San Francisco Bay area counties—participants indicated
that science is the subject area in which they felt the most need of professional
development [21]. They also reported that they taught science less than one hour
per week on average across the elementary school grades—with science instruction
being more prevalent in the upper elementary grades than in the K-2 grade band.
In schools serving the most academically at-risk students, there is today an
almost total absence of science in the early elementary grades. This is particularly
problematic, given the emerging consensus that opportunities for science learning
and personal identification with science—as exemplified in this framework—are
long-term developmental processes that need sustained cultivation. In other words,
the lack of science instruction in early elementary school grades may mean that
only students with sources of support for science learning outside school are being
brought into that long-term developmental process; this gap initiates inequalities
that are difficult to remediate in later schooling. This state of affairs is ironic in
that students in the early elementary school grades are often deeply attracted to
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topics related to the natural and designed worlds—interests that provide a foun-
dation for learning science [12]. Furthermore, for students with limited language
skills, the absence of opportunities to engage in science learning deprives them of
a rich opportunity for language development that goes beyond basic vocabulary.
To help resolve the problems noted above, standards should (a) highlight
that rigorous learning goals are appropriate for all students and (b) make explicit
the associated assumptions about instructional time, equipment and materials, and
teacher knowledge needed for all students to achieve these goals. That information
would help educators at the state, regional, and district levels make detailed plans
and allocate resources in order to equalize students’ opportunities to learn science
and engineering in the ways described in the standards.
I NCLUSIVE SCIENCE INSTRUCTION
Inclusive instructional strategies encompass a range of techniques and approaches
that build on students’ interests and backgrounds so as to engage them more
meaningfully and support them in sustained learning. These strategies, which also
have been shown to promote educational equity in learning science and engineer-
ing, must be attended to as standards are translated into curriculum, instruction,
and assessment.
As we have discussed throughout this report, the framework reflects the
fact that students learn science in large part through their active involvement in
the practices of science. A classroom environment that provides opportunities for
students to participate in scientific and engineering practices engages them in tasks
that require social interaction, the use of scientific discourse (that leverages com-
munity discourse when possible), and the application of scientific representations
and tools. Science and engineering practices can actually serve as productive entry
points for students from diverse communities—including students from different
social and linguistic traditions, particularly second-language learners. Tailored
instructional perspectives and additional approaches, as we outline in the follow-
ing sections, may be needed to engage these and other students in the full range of
practices described in Chapter 4.
Approaching Science Learning as a Cultural Accomplishment
All science learning can be understood as a cultural accomplishment. Children and
adults the world over explore their surroundings and converse about the seem-
ing causes and consequences of the phenomena they observe, but they are raised
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in environments with varied exposures to activities (e.g., fishing, farming, com-
puting) that relate to different science and engineering domains. What counts as
learning and what types of knowledge are seen as important are closely tied to a
community’s values and what is useful in that community context [22-25].
Science has been described as being “heavily dependent on cultural contexts,
power relationships, value systems, ideological dogma, and human emotional
needs” [26]. Although this view is a contested one, seeing science as “a culturally
mediated way of thinking and knowing suggests that learning can be defined as
engagement with scientific practices” [27]. When people enter into the practices
of science or engineering, they do not leave their cultural worldviews at the door.
Instruction that fails to recognize this reality can adversely affect student engage-
ment in science. Calabrese Barton therefore argues for allowing science and sci-
ence understanding to grow out of lived experiences [28]. In doing so, people
“remove the binary distinction from doing science or not doing science and being
in science or being out of science, [thereby allowing] connections between [learn-
ers’] life worlds and science to be made more easily [and] providing space for mul-
tiple voices to be heard and explored” [28]. This view is very powerful when one
considers how best to engage all youth in the learning of science. Everyday expe-
rience provides a rich base of knowledge and experience to support conceptual
changes in science. Students bring cultural
funds of knowledge that can be leveraged,
combined with other concepts, and trans-
formed into scientific concepts over time.
Everyday contexts and situations that
are important in children’s lives not only
influence their repertoires of practice but
also are likely to support their develop-
ment of complex cognitive skills. This is
evident in the studies of activities described
as meaningful by individuals from vari-
ous American cultures [29-36]. Teachers
pursuing a culturally responsive approach
to instruction will need to understand the
sense-making practices of particular com-
munities, the science-related values that
reside in them, and the historical relationship that exists between the commu-
nity and local institutions of education. Instruction can then be crafted to reflect
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these cultural particulars and engage students in related disciplinary practices and
associated learning, often in ways that link to their personal interests as well [12,
34, 37-39]. As one example, Tzou and Bell [40] describe a curriculum effort that
redesigned an elementary science kit to focus on the local cultural practices that
related to the central subject matter in the unit. This involved a shift in students
inquiring into a range of microworlds to investigations of the microbiology of
local community health practices [40]. Fifth-grade students helped to photo docu-
ment the everyday connections to the science content and were then supported in
investigating issues of personal interest. In another case, Luehmann engaged mid-
dle school girls in extended scientific investigations and sense-making on topics of
their own choosing in an after-school science context [41]. Students were able to
develop science-linked identities by realizing that science could be meaningfully
related to circumstances of their own lives, which they could then investigate [41].
In many cases, a culturally responsive approach to science instruction involves the
recognition of community practices and knowledge as being central to the scien-
tific endeavor [42].
Relating Youth Discourses to Scientific Discourses
Many equity-focused interventions have leveraged the discourse (i.e., sense-
making) practices of youth to productively engage them in the language and dis-
course styles of science and in the learning of science. While traditional classroom
practices have been found to be successful for students whose discourse practices
at home resemble those at school—mainly students from middle-class and upper-
middle-class European/American homes [43]—this approach does not work very
well for individuals from historically nondominant groups. For these students, tra-
ditional classroom practices function as a gatekeeper, barring them because their
community’s sense-making practices may not be acknowledged [38, 44-46].
Recognizing that language and discourse patterns vary across culturally
diverse groups, researchers point to the importance of accepting, even encourag-
ing, students’ classroom use of informal or native language and familiar modes
of interaction [47-49]. The research literature contains multiple examples. Lee
and Fradd [47] noted distinct patterns of discourse (e.g., use of simultaneous
or sequential speech) around science topics in groups of students from different
backgrounds. Rosebery, Warren, and Conant [50] identified connections between
Haitian Creole students’ storytelling skills and their approaches to argumentation
and science inquiry; they used those connections to support their learning of both
the content and the practices of science. Hudicourt-Barnes demonstrated how bay
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odyans—the Haitian argumentative discussion style—could be a great resource for
students as they practice science and scientific discourse [51].
As these studies indicate, diverse linguistic practices for making sense of
natural phenomena can generate learning and be leveraged in instruction [9, 46,
50]. Brown has recently extended this line of work by developing an instructional
model that helps students bridge the transition from using their vernacular lan-
guage for scientific phenomena to using disciplinary terminology and forms of dis-
course; essentially, they describe and discuss the same phenomena in both modes
in turn [46]. The challenge for teachers is to know enough about their students’
relevant linguistic practices to be able to support this transition in the classroom.
A classroom rich in discourse is also a classroom that offers particular chal-
lenges for students still learning English. On the other side of the coin, engagement
in the discourse and practices of science, built as it is around observations and
evidence, also offers not only science learning but also a rich language-learning
opportunity for such students. For both reasons, inclusion in classroom discourse
and engagement in science practices can be particularly valuable for such students.
Building on Prior Interest and Identity
Research suggests that personal interest is an important factor in children’s
involvement in learning science [52, 53]. Educational experiences designed to
leverage the personal interests of learners have been used to increase the participa-
tion of girls in middle school [41], of urban high school youth of color [28], and
of elementary school children from immigrant families [40]. Tai and colleagues’
nationally representative study of factors associated with science career choices
suggested that an expressed interest in science during early adolescence is a strong
predictor of science degree attainment [54]. But even though early interest in sci-
ence does not guarantee extended learning in science, early engagement can trig-
ger students’ motivation to explore the broader educational landscape and pursue
additional experiences that may persist throughout life.
Learning science depends not only on the accumulation of facts and con-
cepts but also on the development of an identity as a competent learner of sci-
ence with motivation and interest to learn more. As Lave and Wenger explain,
“Learning involves the construction of identities. [It is] an evolving form of mem-
bership” [55]. Such identity formation is valuable not only for the small number
of students who, over the course of a lifetime, will come to view themselves as
scientists or engineers but also for the great majority of students who do not fol-
low these professional paths. Science learning in school leads to citizens with the
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❚ Learning science depends not only on the accumulation of facts and
concepts but also on the development of an identity as a competent
❚
learner of science with motivation and interest to learn more.
confidence, ability, and inclination to continue learning about issues, scientific and
otherwise, that affect their lives and communities.
For these reasons, instruction that builds on prior interest and identity is
likely to be as important as instruction that builds on knowledge alone. All stu-
dents can profit from this approach, but the benefits are particularly salient for
those who would feel disenfranchised or disconnected from science should instruc-
tion neglect their personal inclinations.
Leveraging Students’ Cultural Funds of Knowledge
Particular cultural groups frequently develop systematic knowledge of the natu-
ral world through their members’ participation in informal learning experiences,
which are influenced by the groups’ history and values and the demands of spe-
cific settings [12]. Such culturally influenced ways of approaching nature reflect
a diversity of perspectives that should be recognized in designing science learning
experiences. Although some kinds of culturally valued knowledge and practices
(including spiritual and mystical thought, folk narratives, and various accounts
of creation) are at odds with science, a growing body of published research,
briefly described below, shows that some of the knowledge derived from varied
cultures and contexts provides valid and consistent scientific interpretations.
This literature includes evidence from cultural psychology, anthropology, and
education [12].
An emerging consensus in education scholarship is that the diverse knowl-
edge and skills that members of different cultural groups bring to formal and
informal science learning contexts are assets to build on [9, 12]. For example,
researchers have documented that children reared in rural agricultural communi-
ties, who have regular and often intense interactions with plants and animals,
develop a more sophisticated understanding of the natural world than do urban
and suburban children of the same age [56]. Other researchers have identified con-
nections between children’s culturally based stories and the scientific arguments
they are capable of making [50, 57]. Such research suggests that educators should
accept, even enlist, diversity as a means of enhancing science learning [58].
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MAKING DIVERSITY VISIBLE
Prior educational standards in science education [19] have been criticized because
their well-intentioned equity goals were advanced in general terms and the specific
circumstances, both historical and contemporary, of various cultural groups were
not identified, which made them difficult to understand and act on [59]. Nor were
acknowledgments made of the specific contribu-
tions of members from diverse cultures to scien-
tific and technological enterprises.
We now know, as discussed in the pre-
vious section, that the pursuit of equity in
education requires detailed attention to the
circumstances of specific demographic groups
[9, 60-62]. When appropriate and relevant to
the science issue at hand, standards documents
should explicitly represent the cultural particu-
lars of diverse learning populations throughout
the text (e.g., in referenced examples, sample
vignettes, performance expectations). Similarly,
an effort should be made to include significant
contributions of women and of people from
diverse cultures and ethnicities. We acknowledge
the challenge of creating a set of standards that attempts to represent all salient
cultural groups, but that should not be an excuse for excluding them all.
The goal of making diversity visible is also desirable at a more abstract
theoretical level. Educational standards always embody one or more theoretical
perspectives on how people learn, how educators should teach, and how equity
should be pursued—some or all of which may not be made explicit in the stan-
dards’ documents. Such documents in the future should instead be transparent
about their underlying theoretical perspectives related to diversity, equity, and
social justice. This will help the reader to understand the salience of these issues
in the teaching of science and in standards-based efforts to improve science edu-
cation for all students.
❚ The diverse knowledge and skills that members of different cultural
groups bring to formal and informal science learning contexts are assets
❚
to build on.
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VALUE MULTIPLE MODES OF EXPRESSION
How school systems evaluate the learning derived from educational standards—
through high-stakes tests, formative classroom assessments, and informal evalua-
tions of learning during instruction—has a driving influence on educational path-
ways and equity. Exemplary assessment practice recognizes that there are multiple
ways in which students might express their developing understanding, although
not all forms of assessment allow for such multiple modes of expression.
Indeed, an enduring concern is that tests may not accurately gauge what
students have learned [63]. A core problem is that the tests often do not make use
of contemporary views of learning and cognition and thereby fail to assess higher
order skills or conceptual understanding. Another important problem is that
tests can be culturally biased, especially for some of the most vulnerable popula-
tions. Students whose first language is not English can find it difficult to express
what they know on assessment instruments written in English. And an extensive
literature highlights how “stereotype threat” can negatively affect the cognitive
performance of girls and students from particular demographic groups during
high-stakes assessments [64]. In order to help ensure educational equity, specific
strategies need to be employed to guard against such unintended and undesirable
assessment-based underestimations of student understanding. The representation
of performance expectations in the standards document provides an opportunity
to address these issues.
Such concerns, however, go beyond standards and need to address the condi-
tions under which assessments are given. For example, authentic assessments may
allow students to edit their rough drafts in much the same way that scientists and
engineers circulate initial findings to colleagues before submitting a final draft for
public consumption. But open-ended or extended-response items on high-stakes
state assessments often demand that students provide what is essentially a “first
draft” of a performance. For students who need to take more time to express their
understanding (e.g., if they learned English as their second language), opportuni-
ties to edit or to display their knowledge in less language-embedded tasks would
help level the playing field. It is worth noting that current efforts in assessment for
mathematics and language arts are moving in this direction by including embed-
ded performance assessments in curricula and aggregating them with summative
assessments to create broader assessments of student learning [65].
Performance on assessments is affected by context as well as content [6, 64],
and this can also have cultural roots. For example, work by Deyhle suggests that
many American Indian communities do not socialize their children to making the
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public displays of achievement that are required in schools [66]. As Delpit has
argued, this suggests the importance of making explicit the norms not only of class-
room participation but also of assessment [67]. When defining performance expec-
tations in standards documents to be used for formative and high-stakes assessment,
standards developers should highlight how students can demonstrate competence
through multiple means of expression and in multiple contexts.
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Print copies of the Next Generation Science Standards are available for pre-order now or you can view the online version at nextgenscience.org
The standards are based largely on the 2011 National Research Council report A Framework for K-12 Science Education: Practices, Crosscutting Concepts, and Core Ideas.
