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TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER IN THE UNITED STATES
151
harnessing private-sector technology and R&D to advance agency and national
objectives.75 Moreover, there is agreement in many quarters of the nation' s R&D
enterprise that many federal laboratories and their parent agencies have yet to
develop effective mechanisms for ensuring appropriate industrial input into the
formulation, execution, and evaluation of federal laboratory R&D and technol-
ogy transfer activities (Secretary of Energy Advisory Board, 1995~. In addition,
the federal laboratories are often faulted for being unable to carry out technology
transfer and partnership activities in a more businesslike and less bureaucratic
manner.
Finally, from the standpoint of potential industry partners, the reliability of
the federal laboratories as partners has been called into question by recent dra-
matic cuts in technology transfer funds for the Department of Energy laborato-
ries. These cuts have been mostly limited to the three DOE weapons laboratories,
forcing these labs to scale back and cancel cooperative R&D activities (including
the high profile PNGV and Amtex partnerships). Nonetheless, there has been a
strong spillover effect, strengthening the underlying perception that the entire
federal laboratory system is a partner of uncertain reliability.
TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER BY PRIVATELY HELD,
NONACADEMIC ORGANIZATIONS *
Overview
This section examines the scope and nature of technology transfer activities
performed by a diverse population of privately held, nonacademic organizations
(i.e., entities whose R&D and technology transfer activities fall outside those of
the three major sectors of the U.S. technology transfer enterprise).76 This "fourth
sector" of the enterprise consists primarily of two types of institutions: those that
transfer technology they have had a hand in developing and those that transfer or
facilitate the transfer of technology developed by others. Included in the first
group are independent and affiliated77 R&D institutes and R&D consortia, pre-
dominantly nonprofit organizations. The second group includes providers of tech-
nology transfer referrals and information; technology business incubators and
research parks; technology brokers, technology transfer consultants, law firms,
and technology transfer conference organizers; and technical/professional asso-
ciations, societies, and academies.
The R&D activities of privately held, nonacademic organizations, measured
in dollar terms, are relatively small compared with the investments of other play-
ers in the R&D enterprise. These organizations perform somewhere between $8
billion and $12 billion worth of R&D annually, or about half the amount per-
formed by academic institutions or federal laboratories and less than one-tenth of
*This section draws extensively on a background paper prepared by Robert K. Carr and Christo-
pher T. Hill (1995) for the U.S. delegation to the binational panel.
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152 TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER SYSTEMSIN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY
the R&D conducted by U.S. industry.78 As a group, fourth-sector institutions
also account for significantly fewer patents and royalties than do any of the other
three it&D-performing sectors.
However, aggregate quantitative measures understate the overall importance
of fourth-sector organizations to U.S. technology transfer enterprise. First, many
of these organizations perform significant R&D in several critical sectors, par-
ticularly in health and medical science. Second, many fourth-sector institutions
perform strategic technology bridging and assistive technology transfer functions,
often facilitating technology transfer among the three major R&D performing
sectors. The panel believes that these services could become increasingly impor-
tant to the nation's technology transfer enterprise as more and more U.S. firms
are compelled to seek and use technology developed beyond their institutional
boundaries in order to compete effectively in international markets.
Organizations That Create and Transfer Technology
The organizations in this category perform in-house R&D, contract for R&D,
or perform contracted or cooperative R&D and transfer primarily technology that
they have generated internally. These include independent R&D institutes, affili-
ated R&D institutes, and consortia or other private nonacademic organizations
that conduct R&D and technology transfer. The National Science Foundation
estimates that nonprofit institutes more or less the same set as independent plus
affiliated R&D institutes performed $5.2 billion worth of R&D in 1994.79 Of
this, $2.9 billion came from the federal government, $1.5 from the nonprofit sec-
tor (mostly philanthropic foundations), and $800 million from industry. Over half
of the 100 largest nonprofit institutes receiving federal funds are focused on re-
search in the health and life sciences. Defense-related research also figures promi-
nently among these institutions.
As of 1992, the 10 largest nonprofit recipients of federal funds were the
Universities Research Association, Inch ($468 million) and SEMATECH ($98
million), both research consortia; Massachusetts General Hospital ($91 million),
ITT Research Institute ($87 million), Brigham and Women's Hospital ($82 mil-
lion), South Carolina Research Authority ($71 million), and Scripps Clinic &
Research Foundation ($69 million), all affiliated R&D institutes; SRI Interna-
tional ($63 million) and Battelle Memorial Institute ($63 million), both indepen-
dent R&D institutes; and the National Research Council, Transportation Research
Board, which administers the Strategic Highway Research Program for the De-
partment of Transportation ($76 million).
INDEPENDENT R&D INSTITUTES
In terms of their total investment in R&D, independent R&D institutes, in-
cluding independent R&D laboratories, private research hospitals, and indepen
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TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER IN THE UNITED STATES
153
dent medical research centers, constitute one of the largest elements of the fourth
sector. Research hospitals and medical research centers comprise almost half of
the group. Information concerning the R&D activities of this group is relatively
abundant compared with that concerning the other categories studied.
Most independent R&D institutes are quite small. Only 89 institutes listed
in the Gale's Research Centers Directory (Gale Research, 1996) had a staff of
more than 100 or an annual research budget of over $10 million. As Table 2.17
illustrates, more than half of the 85 large "hard science" R&D institutes are
focused on research in the medical and health sciences, with most of the remain-
ing institutes equally divided between those focusing on multidisciplinary sci-
ences, the biological and environmental sciences, and engineering and technol-
ogy research.
Data on the R&D budgets of these 85 large institutes are incomplete. The 35
institutes that provided budget data spent a total of $1.62 billion on research in
1994. Among the very largest independent institutes (measured in terms of re-
search budgets or total staff) are: Midwest Research Institution, SRI Interna-
tional Inc., Southwest Research Institute, Research Triangle Institute, RAND
Corporation, MITRE Corporation, Memorial Sloan-Kettering Cancer Center, Fred
Hutchinson Cancer Research Institute, Fox Chase Cancer Center, Dana-Farber
Cancer Institute, the Howard Hughes Medical Institute, and the World Wildlife
Fund (Gale Research, 1996~.
In 1992, the top 5 recipients of federal R&D funds were SRI International
(with $63 million in federal funds), Battelle Memorial Institute ($63 million),
Fred Hutchinson Cancer Research Institute ($56 million), Dana-Farber Cancer
Research Institute ($50 million), and Research Triangle Institute ($50 million).
The technology transfer activities of independent R&D institutes vary widely.
Some independent institutes, particularly those focused on health and medical
science, appear to perform only basic research. The results of this research are
TABLE 2.17 Distribution of 85 Large Independent R&D Institutes by
Research Focus, 1994
Research Focus Number of Institutes Percent of Total
Agriculture, Food and Veterinary Science 2
Biological and Environmental Sciences 12
Health and Medical Sciences
Astronomy and Space Sciences
Computers and Mathematics
Engineering and Technology
Physical and Earth Sciences
Multidisciplinary Institutes
43
1
12
o
14
3
14
5l
14
o
16
SOURCE: Gale Research (1996).
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154 TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER SYSTEMSIN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY
generally disseminated via traditional paths such as publications, meetings, and
sharing among colleagues.
Other independent R&D institutes, particularly the large ones, do contract
work for clients and transfer the majority of the technologies they develop to
them. In addition, internally developed intellectual properties may be licensed to
a wider market by the institutes or the research client. Independent R&D insti-
tutes also carry out technology transfer through other mechanisms, for example,
by sharing information at conferences, providing technical assistance, and em-
ploying unique R&D facilities and capabilities.
In addition to transferring their own internally generated technologies, some
independent R&D institutes transfer technology developed by other organiza-
tions. For example, Research Triangle Institute has contracts with the Ballistic
Missile Defense Organization (BMDO) to facilitate the transfer of technologies
developed in BMDO' s R&D programs to private industry.
As is the case with R&D, comprehensive sources of data that could be used
to measure the technology transfer activities of these institutes are scarce. The 26
independent and affiliated R&D institutes that responded to a survey of the Asso-
ciation of University Technology Managers (AUTM) (1994), received roughly
$74 million in royalty income in 1993 on a total of 409 licenses. This compares
with over $242 million in royalties received on 3,413 licenses by 117 universities
reporting to AUTM.
The six largest independent, nonprofit, applied it&D/engineering institutes
in the United States are Battelle Memorial Institute, Midwest Research Institute,
Research Triangle Institute, Southern Research Institute, Southwest Research In-
stitute (SwRI), and SRI International. Originally established to provide R&D and
technical assistance to industries within a defined, local, or regional geographical
TABLE 2.18 The Six Largest Independent, Nonprofit, Applied R&D
Institutes in the United States
Number of Source of R&D
Date of Employees Funds (FY 1994)
Name of Institution Incorporation (FY 1994) (Government/Industry [%])
Battelle Memorial Institute 1929 2,599 78/22
(Columbus only)
Southwest Research Institute 1947 2,400 42/58
SRI International 1946 1,900 60/40
(Menlo Park only)
Research Triangle Institute 1958 1,450 84/16
Midwest Research Institute 1944 1,350 73/27
Southern Research Institute 1941 477 75/25
NOTE: Data as of May 1995.
SOURCE: Southwest Research Institute, unpublished data, 1995.
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TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER IN THE UNITED STATES
155
area, these institutes now have clients throughout the world. Although all six
perform some contract research for private companies, four rely on government
contracts for more than 70 percent of their business. Only one, SwRI, receives a
majority of its contract work from private-sector clients (Table 2.18~.
These six institutes vary considerably in size. Each has its own peculiar
multidisciplinary research focus, organizational structure, and ways of doing busi-
ness. For example, SwRI, which conducts research in over 28 different fields
from automation through fluid dynamics and hydraulics, has a special organiza-
tional structure that allows other independent or federal-government-owned con-
tractor-operated labs to be integrated into SwRI as separate departments. SwRI
claims no patent rights on its output. Rather, the rights are always given to the
clients.
Affiliated R&D Institutes
Most of the organizations in this group are affiliated with universities, re-
search hospitals, or other medical research institutes. It is difficult to estimate the
total R&D volume of these organizations, since so few of them report their bud-
gets separately from those of their parent institutions.
As in the case of independent institutes, most affiliated institutes are small.
Only 35 have a staff of more than 100 or an annual research budget of over $10
million (Gale Research, 1996~. Together, these 35 institutes spent a total of
$250.7 million on R&D in 1994. The research focus of these large institutes is
shown in Table 2.19.
Here again, half of the large affiliated R&D institutes are focused on medical
and health sciences research. Among the very large affiliated institutes are IIT
Research Institute (IITRI), the H. Lee Moffit Cancer Center and Research Insti-
tute, and the St. Jude Children' s Research Hospital. IITRI is a separately incorpo-
rated nonprofit research organization affiliated with the Illinois Institute of Tech
TABLE 2.19
Focus, 1994.
Distribution of 35 Large Affiliated R&D Institutes by Research
Number Percent
Research Focus of Institutes of Total
Agriculture, food, and veterinary science 0
Biological and environmental sciences
Health and medical sciences
Astronomy and space sciences
Computers and mathematics
Engineering and technology
Physical and earth sciences
Multidisciplinary institutes
o
11
44
5
4
16
2
1
6
6
17
17
SOURCE: Gale Research (1996).
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156 TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER SYSTEMS IN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY
nology that conducts applied R&D and engineering research. Eighty-five percent
of its work is sponsored by government agencies and 15 percent by industry.
CONSORTIA AND RELATED ORGANIZATIONS
For the purposes of this report, R&D consortia are defined as groupings of
two or more organizations that fund or perform collaborative R&D. R &D con-
sortia may be permanent organizations consisting of institutions that exist prima-
rily for some other purpose but also perform R&D on behalf of their members
(e.g., trade organizations) or created specifically to engage in R&D on behalf of
the members (e.g., SEMATECH). Consortia may also be temporary organiza-
tions created for a specific R&D project or projects that dissolve when the project
is terminated.
Consortia can be formal partnerships or less-formal groupings. The non-
profit corporation is a common type, although for-profit consortia exist as well.
Consortia may perform R&D within their own facilities, coordinate R&D done in
some or all members' facilities, contract to a nonmember to perform R&D, or
engage in some combination of all three activities. In addition to consortia fo-
cused on industrial needs, there are a number of consortia that conduct basic
research. Not surprisingly, such consortia have a large proportion of university
members.
Consortia are created for many reasons, including the desire to achieve effi-
ciencies from shared facilities and shared costs, to pool scarce talent, to increase
synergy within or diversify a participant's technology portfolio, to facilitate stan-
dards setting, to market products, or to foster exchange of precompetitive R&D
results. It is important to note that formal consortia have become a part of the
U.S. R&D enterprise largely because they were deemed to have been successful
elsewhere, especially in Japan.82 However, Japan may have needed consortia
more than the United States because of the different nature of informal technol-
ogy transfer in the two countries. In the United States, labor, particularly high-
tech labor, is highly mobile and much technology moves between firms by that
route. In countries where labor is less mobile (Japan being the extreme example),
other mechanisms may be required to foster technology flow.
The U.S. federal government has encouraged the formation of consortia in
recent years through changes in law and provision of financial incentives. Prior
to 1984, firms participating in collaborative R&D arrangements were exposed to
the possibility of treble damages should the arrangement be judged in violation of
U.S. antitrust laws. Not surprisingly, this legal climate dampened the enthusiasm
of many firms for collaborative R&D efforts. In 1984, Congress passed the Na-
tional Cooperative Research Act (NCRA, P.L.98-462), which removed the threat
of treble damages for consortia that registered with the DOJ. Congress extended
this protection to joint production ventures in 1993 with the passage of the Na-
tional Cooperative Production Amendments (P.L. 103-42~.
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TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER IN THE UNITED STATES
157
In addition to the legislative changes, the federal government has also
used financial incentives to encourage the formation of research consortia.
SEMATECH (Box 6) was established with support from the Defense Advanced
Research Projects Agency (DARPA, now ARPA) of approximately $100 million
per year. Federal funding of SEMATECH was discontinued in 1996 by mutual
agreement of the consortium and DARPA. The federal government is a financial
and technical partner in a number of other consortia as well, such as the National
Center for Manufacturing Sciences and the Gas Research Institute. However,
most federal contributions to consortia are less than the $100 million invested in
SEMATECH.
The Technology Reinvestment Project (TRP) and the Advanced Technology
Program (ATP) encourage the formation of consortia among organizations sub-
mitting proposals to these programs.84 In addition, some agencies that engage in
CRADAs have begun to emphasize working with consortia, some of which have
been formed expressly for that purpose. This is particularly true of the Depart-
ment of Energy (DOE), which has the largest CRADA program in the govern
ment.
Between January 1, 1985 and December 31, 1995, 575 separate JRVs (joint
research ventures), involving a total of 9,136 entities or "members," had been
registered with the DOJ (Figure 2.17~. Research on JRV findings indicate that
most JRV members (86 percent) are profitmaking companies. Private nonprofit
organizations including colleges and universities represented 10 percent of mem-
berships, and government agencies and organizations constituted 4 percent of
JRV members. About one-third of the members of JRVs are foreign based. Over
the 10-year period since passage of the NCRA, the average number of members
in a JRV has been 15.9. As of 1995, 30 percent of all registered consortia had
only 2 members, 45 percent had more than 5 members, and nearly 13 percent had
over 20 members. Participation in JRVs is highly concentrated. Whereas more
than two-thirds of all identified JRV members (roughly 8,000 of the total 9,136
entities) have participated in only one JRV,28 entities have participated in 21-50
JRVs, and 10 entities were involved in more than 50 JRVs each (Vonortas,1996~.
Most research performed by JRVs has been process oriented. With respect
to technology focus, the largest single group of consortia was in telecommunica-
tions (22.8 percent), followed by environmental technologies (9.7 percent), ad-
vanced materials (9.2 percent), energy (8.7 percent), transportation (7.7 percent),
software (6.8 percent), chemicals (6.6 percent), and 10 other technology areas
with between 4.7 and 0.5 percent (Table 2.20~. Few registered consortia are
engaged in research in areas where intellectual property rights are well enforced,
for example, biotechnology, pharmaceuticals, and medical equipment.85 Simi-
larly, defense-related research has received attention from only a small number of
JRVs (National Science Board, 1996~.
Data on the total volume of resources invested in these consortia are not
available. The amount of resources devoted to collaborative R&D in the United
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158 TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER SYSTEMS IN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY
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states ranges from 1.7 percent to 7.3 percent of total U.S. company-financed
R&D.86 The volume of collaborative R&D appears to be increasing. It is impor
tant to note that JRVs (consortia and other R&D joint ventures registered with the
Department of Justice) represent only a small fraction of total cooperative R&D
ventures (Hagedoorn, 1995~.
OCR for page 159
TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER IN THE UNITED STATES
159
...........................................................................................................................
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In general, U.S. consortia have been more successful at achieving research
results than at transferring the fruits of their research back to members (and to a
lesser extent from the members to the consortium). Several studies of the Micro
electronics and Computer Technology Corporation (MCC) have identified tech
nology transfer as the consortium's most serious problem (Gibson and Rogers,
OCR for page 160
160 TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER SYSTEMSIN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY
120
100
to
> 80
o
~ 60
at
40
o 1
20
115
71
60 61
50
47
32 34
25
17
63
1985 1986 1987 19881989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995
Year
FIGURE 2.17 New joint research venture announcements. SOURCE: Vonortas (1996~.
1994; Hill, 1995~. Most other consortia also have problems with technology
transfer, even though R&D carried out in consortia is "demand pull," that is,
defined by consortia members themselves according to their perceived needs.
Largely as a result of weak technology transfer links, many consortia participants
have judged their membership in consortia as not worth the cost and effort and
have expressed concerns over the return on their consortia investments.
A number of large consortia have come together as the Council of Consortia
CEOs to solve common problems. "The Council's mission is to sustain the vital-
ity of collaborative technology development, transfer, and application as a proven
means of both maintaining and advancing North American competitiveness in
key industries" (Council of Consortia CEOs, 1997~. The council currently has 16
members drawn from among the largest U.S. and Canadian R&D consortia, in-
cluding Bellcore, the Electric Power Research Institute (EPRI), GRI, MCC,
SEMATECH, and the Semiconductor Research Corporation (SRC). The council
maintains permanent and ad hoc working committees that analyze and report on
issues important to consortia management, including technology transfer. The
council itself meets twice a year at the CEO level to discuss these and other
problems faced by consortia. (See Annex II, pp. 237-240, for an interesting
consortium-based case study of successful technology transfer by the Electric
Power Research Institute.)
OCR for page 161
TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER IN THE UNITED STATES
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OCR for page 166
166 TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER SYSTEMSIN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY
the success of the transactions they broker. Anecdotal evidence suggests that
small brokers tend to occupy tightly focused technology or market niches.
Technology Transfer Consultants
In addition to brokers, consultants are also important to the technology trans-
fer activities of their clients. As with brokers, there are a few large firms and
many more small firms and individuals. Unlike brokers, who charge contingency
or success fees, consultants are compensated on an hourly or flat-fee basis for
performing services that help companies, universities, or federal laboratories li-
cense technologies or spin them off into new firms. They perform some of the
services provided by brokers, but do so without a financial commitment. In ex-
change, they receive a guaranteed fee, but they cannot participate financially in
major technology transfer successes. The American Consultants' League has
over 40,000 members (most in fields other than technology transfer, of course)
and estimates that the total of all consultants in the United States may exceed 10
times that number.
Consultants bring considerable expertise about one or more parts of the tech-
nology transfer process to their clients, expertise that would be difficult for all but
the largest and most active clients to develop in-house. However, there are few,
if any, consultants who are charged with independently executing the entire tech-
nology transfer process, as brokers do. After all, few technology generators are
willing to give an outside consultant complete responsibility for bringing a tech-
nology to market on a fixed-fee basis with no incentive for success or penalty for
failure.
Nonetheless, consultants perform almost every individual function in the
technology transfer process, particularly where the formal transfer of intellectual
property is involved. Consultants help ferret out marketable technologies within
their clients' laboratories. They perform technology evaluations to estimate rela-
tive values in technology portfolios and assist in patenting decisions. They do
market assessments and surveys, carry out marketing function, help locate poten-
tial licensees, and assist in negotiating and executing licenses and intellectual
property transfer agreements.
Law Firms
Although a number of commercial firms, universities, and federal laborato-
ries have legal expertise in the technology transfer area, there is still a very active
commercial market for such legal services. A large number of law firms and
individual attorneys provide services related to technology transfer, including
patenting, licensing, and other traditional business-related legal advice. There is,
however, a much smaller yet growing cadre of law firms that offer a broader
range of new technology-related value-added services.89
A number of U.S. and European law firms have recently formed the TechLaw
Group, a nonprofit network of major law firms that provide services for technol
OCR for page 167
TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER IN THE UNITED STATES
167
ogy-oriented clients. TechLaw conducts educational programs, joint research
projects, study sessions, and exchanges of information and materials, and serves
a liaison function with private and government groups involved in promoting
technology. TechLaw member firms provide a wide range of technology ser-
vices to clients.
Many technology-oriented law firms have resident technical expertise on
their legal and support staff. It is not uncommon to find attorneys in these firms
who also have advanced degrees in the sciences. In addition, the firms often
employ consultants to provide specialized expertise. For the most part, law firms
are compensated by fixed fees for their technology-related services, but other
alternatives, such as outcomes-based fees (e.g., through equity positions) are be-
ing considered in this relatively new arena of the legal profession.
Technology Transfer Conference Organizers
Conferences introduce suppliers and buyers of technology and help initiate
the process of technology transfer. A few specialized technology transfer orga-
nizations sponsor conferences at which representatives from universities and federal
laboratories gather to display their wares technology capabilities and licensable
inventions to prospective licensees/sponsors, generally commercial firms.
Technology Transfer Conferences (TTC), a nonprofit firm located in Nash-
ville, Tennessee, is a major organizer of such conferences. TTC sponsors six
conferences per year in the United States, Canada, and abroad and has hosted 125
such meetings in the last 15 years. TTC invites universities and federal laborato-
ries as well as some small firms to display their technologies to potential buyers
from national companies. These national companies tend to be larger firms, but
smaller companies are becoming part of TTC's clientele as well. The technolo-
gies showcased in TTC conferences include those in the life, physical, material,
and environmental sciences. Companies that attend are generally interested in
applied technologies, but TTC reports that more and more firms are investigating
sources of basic research and looking to develop contacts in specific technology
areas for future use.
Another technology transfer conference sponsor is the International Society
of Productivity Enhancement (ISPE). ISPE is a nonprofit, membership organiza-
tion founded in 1984 to accelerate the international exchange of ideas and scien-
tific knowledge. ISPE sponsors two technology transfer conferences per year,
each of which attracts between 125 and 150 participants. As with the TTC con-
ferences, ISPE events attract representatives from institutions with technologies
to sell as well as potential buyers of technologies.
TECHNOLOGY BUSINESS INCUBATORS
The National Business Incubator Association (NBIA) defines business incu-
bators as "assistance programs targeted to start-up and fledgling firms. They
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168 TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER SYSTEMSIN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY
offer access to business and technical assistance provided through in-house ex-
pertise and a network of community resources; shared office, research or manu-
facturing space; basic business support such as telephone answering and clerical
services; and common office equipment including copy and fax machines. Busi-
ness incubators support emerging businesses during their early, most vulnerable
stages. They promote new firm growth, technology transfer, neighborhood revi-
talization, and economic development and diversification" (National Business
Incubator Association, 1997~.
While almost all incubators have one or more high-tech firms, not all busi-
ness incubators are technology incubators. This latter term is usually applied to
incubators that are primarily focused on commercializing new technologies
through entrepreneurial ventures. According to NBIA, most technology incuba-
tors are associated with universities.90 Other technology incubators are associ-
ated with federal laboratories, high-tech firms, or some combination of these in-
stitutions.9i The NBIA estimates that of the approximately 550 incubators
operating as of early 1997, 90 to 100 were true technology business incubators.
In response to a 1991 NBIA survey (National Business Incubator Associa-
tion, 1992), incubators ranked "economic development" and "diversification of
the local economy" as their first and second most important objectives, respec-
tively. They ranked the "commercialization of research" and the "transfer of . . .
technical capabilities to local businesses" as their third and fourth most important
objectives. Furthermore, over 27 percent of all incubator clients were engaged in
"technology products" or "research and development" in 1991. The largest groups
of clients were "service firms" and "light manufacturers." 92
According to recent work by Tornatzky et al. (1996), all technology incuba-
tors have ties to external sources of technology, since they rarely have expertise
available in house. They provide this vital service through several types of ar-
rangements. Many technology incubators have arrangements with a nearby uni-
versity; some are even sponsored by or integrated into a university. The key
service provided by incubators to their clients is access to faculty, graduate stu-
dents, and, to a lesser extent, facilities. Some incubators have similar relation
ships with federal laboratories or high-tech firms. In a fewer number of cases,
technology business incubators are integrated into the technology commercial-
ization function of a parent R&D organization.
Some technology business incubators do more than serve as first homes for
new high-tech businesses, they actively search out potential clients. Some incu-
bator programs have developed aggressive efforts to locate potentially com-
mercializable technologies and budding entrepreneurs within the research pro-
grams of nearby laboratories. This activity takes many forms, from consciousness
raising, to establishing networks to identify research with commercial potential,
to active searches in which "ferrets" knock on laboratory doors to access the
commercial potential of ongoing R&D.
A number of federal laboratories have relationships with incubators, but
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TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER IN THE UNITED STATES
169
NASA recently became the first federal agency to directly enter the incubator
business. NASA and the IC2 Institute in Austin, Texas, have entered into a 3-year
experimental joint project designed to facilitate the commercialization of NASA-
developed technologies. They have established two business incubators near the
Johnson Space Flight Center in Houston and the Ames Research Center in Sili-
con Valley, California. (A third incubator has recently been established at the
Stennis Space Center in collaboration with the state of Mississippi.) These incu-
bators (NASA calls them Technology Commercialization Centers, or TCCs) fo-
cus on the technologies from the adjacent centers that can be commercialized
within 1 to 2 years. The Johnson and Ames TCCs house start-up companies and
assist them by drawing upon a regional network of entrepreneurs, business and
technical experts, capital and market know-how, as well as the talent and technol-
ogy pool of NASA. These two TCCs currently house a total of 30 companies.
NASA currently pays the incubators' operating expenses, but expects them to
become independent within a few years.
Research Parks
A research park is a real estate development designed to serve the needs of
research-oriented companies. Most research parks generally provide space and
facilities as part of their services. They are often located near technology sources
in universities or other high-technology institutions. Furthermore, because they
cluster growing high-technology firms together, they provide a significant oppor-
tunity for spontaneous technical interaction and technology transfer.
The Association of University-Related Research Parks defines a research
park as a property-based venture that has:
· existing or planned land and buildings specifically designed for private
and public research and development facilities, high-technology and sci-
ence-based companies and support services;
· a contractual and/or operational relationship with a university or other
institution of higher education;
a role in promoting research and development by the university in part-
nership with industry, assisting in the growth of new ventures, and pro-
moting economic development; and,
a role in aiding the transfer of technology and business skills between the
university and industry tenants. (Association of University-Related
Research Parks, 1997)
As of 1980, university-related research parks accounted for a minority of all
U.S. research parks. Of the 27 parks established by academic institutions between
1951 and 1980, 16 had failed, 5 were judged marginally successful, and only six
were classified as unqualified successes by the U.S. General Accounting Office
(1983~. The 1980s witnessed a resurgence in the establishment of university
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170 TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER SYSTEMSIN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY
related research parks. By 1989, 115 university-related parks housed an esti-
mated 2,100 companies and 173,000 workers (Matkin, 1990~. As of 1995, there
were 136 U.S.-based university-related research parks housing 4,765 companies
and employing over 253,000 people (Association of University Related Research
Parks, 1995).
TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER ORGANIZATIONS AND MECHANISMS
NOT ELSEWHERE CLASSIFIED
Technical/Professional Associations
A number of technical and professional societies conduct activities designed
to stimulate cooperative research and/or facilitate transfer technology. Relative
to the entire technology transfer enterprise, the impact of the societies is small,
but some of these programs are well established and fill an important niche in
specific fields.
The American Society of Mechanical Engineers (ASME), for example, has a
Committee for Research and Technology Development (CRTD) that has oper-
ated for 86 years. ASME does not fund R&D itself, rather it serves as a catalyst
to facilitate research activities that involve multiple performers and funding
sources. At the moment, ASME manages $15 million worth of contract research.
The committee approves a research problem for action, raises funding, and lo-
cates scientists and/or engineers to carry out the research. Historically, about half
of the funding for CRTD projects comes from industry (including industry asso-
ciations) and half from government. The performers of CRTD-sponsored R&D
are universities, federal labs, industry, nonprofits, or some combination of these.
Most of the research sponsored by ASME is "paper studies," in which results are
transferred through publication or presentation at meetings. A few research
projects involve lab, or "metal-bending," work. Transfer of these results occurs
via the participants themselves (who tend to be the interested parties) and through
publication.
The American Society of Heating, Refrigerating and Air-Conditioning End
.
neers maintains a separate research arm that was founded almost a century ago.
With a research budget of $2.6 million in 1994, the society sponsors research
projects at universities and private firms in areas of interest to its members (Gale
Research, Inc., 19951. Projects include evaluation of distribution losses in hot-
water systems, filtration of indoor allergens and biological toxins, and computer
algorithms for moisture loss and latent-heat loads in bulk storage of fruits and
vegetables.
The Civil Engineering Research Foundation (CERF), an independent, non-
profit foundation created by the American Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE),
began operation in 1989. CERF's mission is to unite diverse groups within the
civil engineering community in industry-led R&D programs by serving as the
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TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER IN THE UNITED STATES
171
"facilitator, coordinator, and integrator" of civil engineering research. Although
CERF has primarily a coordinating role in civil engineering research, it adds
some of its own funds to these efforts. Since 1989, the foundation has contrib-
uted $11 million (representing money donated by ASCE members) to engineer-
ing research programs that it sponsors. CERF uses a variety of means to carry
out its objectives, including cooperative research programs, consortia, technol-
ogy evaluation centers, surveys, and prototype demonstrations. CERF orga-
nized and now administers the National Council for Civil Engineering Research,
consisting of over 60 civil-engineering-related research organizations, which
fosters cooperation to advance the interests of the civil engineering profession
through research. In 1993, CERF led the construction-materials trade associa-
tions in launching a $2 billion to $4 billion research program with the ambitious
title, "High-Performance Construction Materials and Systems: An Essential Pro-
gram for America and its Infrastructure." The program goal is to improve U.S.
competitiveness and revitalize the nation's aging infrastructure by exploiting
advanced construction materials.
Engineering, Design, and Architectural Firms
Engineering, design, and architectural firms play a major role in transferring
technology, both within the United States and internationally. (See, for example,
Freeman, 1968.) Many of the larger firms were established originally as engi-
neering design departments of major manufacturing firms and were later spun off
as independent companies offering services to a wide range of clients. Over time,
these firms have become inventors and systems integrators in their own right,
assuming roles as developers of new technologies that they then market along
with their more routine design services.
Engineering design firms invest relatively little in separately identified R&D,
especially in the United States a circumstance for which they have often been
criticized. However, they nevertheless conceptualize new technologies, and,
working in conjunction with manufacturers, reduce these to practice while retain-
ing title to the patents and know-how that result. For example, the M.W. Kellogg
Corp. for a number of years was the source of most of the new process technology
for producing synthetic anhydrous ammonia from natural gas. Kellogg designed
and built plants for numerous U.S. and international firms, often on a "turn-key"
basis.
Many engineering, design, and architectural firms specialize in process and
production technologies, as well as facilities design and construction. They are
less likely to develop or own proprietary product technology. Thus, since many
producers (e.g., manufacturers, public utilities) only infrequently build new fa-
cilities and cannot afford in-house process development and design staffs, these
firms fill an important niche in the marketplace.
In addition to developing and transferring their own technologies, engineer-
ing, design, and architectural firms are important conduits for diffusing new tech
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172 TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER SYSTEMSIN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY
nologies developed by others. They do this by specifying the use of those new
technologies within the designs they sell to their customers. In this way, they act
as gatekeepers for new technology, encouraging customers to invest in processes
that are most efficient and effective and least likely to pose undue risks of func-
tional or financial disappointment.
Some engineering, design, and architectural firms are quite large, employing
hundreds of people and annually engaging in projects whose total costs are in the
billions-of-dollars range. Bechtel, Fluor, Kellogg, A.T. Kearney, and Stone and
Webster are in or near this class. Others are much smaller, with highly special-
ized expertise in certain narrow but essential fields of technology and may sub-
contract for design work with larger firms. Some small firms may have one or
more staff who have very broad experience in a sector and can offer a one-stop
source of expertise to smaller client firms that need broad-based technical help to
solve a problem or to expand capacity or product line. There are also a number of
single-person firms and individuals who operate as consultants in this area. There
are no data that distinguish those smaller engineering, design, and architectural
firms from the many thousands of other types of consultants.
Venture Capital Firms
The classic function of venture capital (VC) firms in the technology transfer
process is to invest in the growth of new start-up or spin-off technology compa-
nies. A great many do little more than that. Most VC firms perform their own
analyses (e.g., of technologies, markets) before making a commitment to invest,
and most are prepared to take remedial actions with their companies (e.g., recruit-
ing new management) to protect their investment. However, some VC firms play
a more active role in company development.
The most important element of any new firm is the quality of its staff, par-
ticularly its management. Many VC companies assist their client firms with the
identification and recruitment of key management team members. Another
method for strengthening new company management is to create networks with
other, more experienced, firms, particularly suppliers, customers and neighbors,
who can provide informal guidance to managers of the start-up. VC firms may
also assist their client companies with other traditional business services, such as
finance and accounting, organization, and office space.
A number of VC entities limit their investment to specific technology niches.
This permits them to acquire technological know-how and to assist their client
firms in the technology arena as well as in the financial and management areas.
This assistance can take the form of expert market analysis as well as location of
sources of complementary technological expertise for the new firm's technical
staff. Technology savvy VC firms can also measure and monitor the technologi-
cal progress of their clients better than investment firms with a more general
portfolio.
In 1996, there were more than 600 venture capital funds in the United States.
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173
That year, these funds collectively invested roughly roughly $10 billion in ap-
proximately 2,000 companies in all stages of growth from start-up to turnaround,
including more than 280 initial public offerings. Also in 1996, 44 percent of
venture capital went to information technology companies and another 31 per-
cent to health-care-related enterprises, and another 25 percent went to non-tech-
nology companies (Horsley, 1997; VentureOne, 1997~. It is estimated that only
about one-quarter of VC-funded U.S. start-up companies succeed. Nevertheless,
the average return on investment is 20 percent for the VC industry as a whole.93
The Internet
The Internet was initially developed for the express purpose of enabling rapid
communications and the transfer of large amounts of data and visual representa-
tions for the purposes of R&D. It has performed this function admirably for over
a decade, and it is slowly acquiring a similar enabling role in technology transfer.
Most U.S. it&D-performing institutions have a presence (usually a home
page) on the World Wide Web, and most of those without home pages reported
that they were in the process of building one. The quality and utility of these
home pages vary widely. As users figure out what works and what does not work
on the Internet, and as problems of access to intellectual property and payment
for Internet-based services are resolved, more and more institutions (particularly
high-tech concerns) will establish not only a presence on the Web, but also will
provide sophisticated access to real information and other things of value.
This access will undoubtedly include some interactive functions, for example,
introducing potential providers and purchasers of technology that are key to tech-
nology transfer. Outsourcing and outplacing of technologies will be facilitated
by on-line databases using sophisticated search engines operated directly by
searchers or with the help of human intermediaries. Additional technological
advances in communications and processing will permit users to exchange 3-D
images, video, and sound over networks, significantly enhancing the quality of
presentations and available information.
SUMMARY: ORGANIZATIONS THAT TRANSFER TECHNOLOGY
CREATED BY OTHERS
As the preceding discussion makes evident, the number of privately held,
non-A&D-performing U.S. organizations involved in technology transfer to in-
dustry is huge, and the spectrum of technology transfer services they provide is
extensive. The collective performance of these diverse players, however, has
been criticized severely in recent decades. Indeed, the poor performance of many
U.S. companies in more traditional manufacturing industries, particularly small
and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), suggests that there are significant gaps in
the scope and/or quality of technology transfer services provided to SMEs by
public-and private-sector organizations.94 The perception that this vast collec
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174 TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER SYSTEMSIN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY
lion of privately held organizations is not meeting the technology-transfer/indus-
trial-modernization needs of U.S. SMEs was a driving force behind the establish-
ment and expansion of public-sector technology-transfer/industrial-extension ini-
tiatives by state governments and federal agencies during the 1980s and early
l990s.
Conclusion
Privately held, nonacademic organizations form the smallest of the four sec-
tors of the U.S. technology transfer enterprise in terms of R&D performed or
quantitatively measurable technology transfer (patents and royalties). This sector
is also the least well documented and measured. However, its importance to the
nation's innovation system should not be underestimated. As discussed above,
these organizations vary widely in size, function, and contribution to the U.S.
R&D and technology transfer enterprise.
The highly heterogeneous population of U.S. privately held independent and
affiliated R&D institutes fills some important gaps in the U.S. R&D enterprise,
addressing unique R&D and evaluation needs of certain industries or subsectors
(particularly in biomedical fields) that universities and federal laboratories do not
address. Nevertheless, it would be inaccurate to characterize most of these insti-
tutes as industry-oriented.
The vast majority of independent and affiliated research institutes receive
most of their funding from federal mission agencies or private foundations and
are focused primarily on basic research. More than half of these institutions are
concentrated in the health and medical fields, and these institutes collectively
account for a significant share of all health and medical R&D performed in the
United States. While the R&D activities of many institutes in this group consti-
tute a critical link in U.S. drug testing and evaluation, and directly benefit health-
and medical-related industries in many other ways, the research agendas of these
institutes are not driven or shaped to any significant extent by the day-to-day
R&D needs of industry.
Even within the relatively small population of independent and affiliated
engineering R&D institutes, many of which were originally established to serve
the needs of regional industries, there are today relatively few institutes whose
R&D activities are substantially geared to the applied R&D needs of private in-
dustry. Five of the seven largest independent engineering R&D institutes per-
form the vast majority of their R&D in service to federal agency missions, not the
R&D needs of private companies. In short, these institutes do not fill perceived
gaps in basic or applied R&D that are directly relevant to needs of more tradi-
tional, technologically mature manufacturing industries, gaps that many have
identified as a significant weakness of the U.S. R&D enterprise (National Acad-
emy of Engineering, 1993~.
Industry-led research consortia, both publicly and privately funded, have as
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175
sumed greater significance in the U.S. R&D enterprise in the past decade, par-
tially filling some of the aforementioned R&D gaps in selected high-tech and
technologically mature industries. However, coverage in terms of industries and
technology areas (and the share of firms within a given industry or technology
field) remains very limited, as does the claim of these consortia on public and
private R&D resources overall. Furthermore, in part because of the diversity and
highly autonomous nature of U.S. industrial R&D consortia, there has been re-
markably little knowledge transfer concerning organizational and operational
practices among the rapidly growing population of U.S. consortia.
The U.S. population of privately held, non-A&D performing organizations
involved in technology transfer to industry is large, diverse, and highly autono-
mous, and the range of technology transfer services provided is extensive, though
uneven among industrial sectors. Indeed, in the absence of significant public-
sector involvement, this diverse group of technology transfer intermediaries, to-
gether with private vendors of hardware and software and large industrial firms/
customers, have long constituted the primary sources of new technology, techni-
cal assistance, and advice for U.S. small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in
most manufacturing industries.
During the past decade, however, the slow pace with which many U.S. com-
panies, particularly SMEs in more traditional manufacturing industries, have
adopted new production technology suggests that significant gaps exist in the
scope and quality of industrial-modernization services provided by this vast amal-
gam of private companies and private technology transfer intermediaries (Na-
tional Academy of Engineering, 1993; National Research Council, 1993a).
Admittedly, in recent years, several industry-led initiatives, some with lim
ited public funding, have begun to address some of the innovation and technology
diffusion challenges that face SMEs as well as larger firms in a number of techno-
logically mature U.S. industries. For example, through increased industry self-
organization and support from federal agencies and university-based researchers,
segments of the U.S. textile and apparel industry have successfully applied mod-
ern information technology to achieve a major revitalization of their entire de-
sign, supply, and marketing chain largely in response to the new "lean" retail-
ing strategies of major retail distributors, strategies also enabled by advances in
information technology (Abernathy et al., 1995~.95 Similarly, through a combi-
nation of firm-specific and industrywide initiatives, often in partnership with fed-
eral agencies or academic researchers, the U.S. automotive industry has success-
fully met many of the manufacturing challenges that hit the industry in the late
1970s and early 1980s.96 Other successful or promising industry-led efforts to
meet the manufacturing and other technology diffusion needs of SMEs include
the National Center for Manufacturing Sciences and SEMATECH's work with
semiconductor equipment and material manufacturers.97
Particularly promising in the judgment of the U.S. delegation are the recent
technology road mapping exercises of the Semiconductor Industry Association
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176 TECHNOLOGY TRANSFER SYSTEMSIN THE UNITED STATES AND GERMANY
and a coalition of organizations from the U.S. chemicals industry that inventory
the two industries' sources of technology and forecast technological needs
throughout the industries' respective value-added chains (American Chemical
Society et al., 1997; Rea et al., 1996~. These road mapping efforts show potential
for advancing both the development and diffusion of new technology in indus-
tries where technological advance is more evolutionary than revolutionary. From
the perspective of firms involved as well some outside observers, the semicon-
ductor industry technology road map effort has been successful at focusing the
attention and resources of the industry and the federal government on a shared
conception of technological challenges and opportunities. The more recently
developed technology road map for the chemical industry was launched, in part,
by a request from the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy.98
In addition to these industry-specific initiatives, state and federal govern-
ments have attempted to strengthen the existing but relatively weak network of
private and public service providers with more comprehensive industrial-mod-
ernization and technical-extension programs. (See Part II, pp. 76-79 and Annex
II, pp. 201-213.~99
Nevertheless, while the experience and promise of these and other private-
and public-sector (and joint public-private) initiatives are encouraging, it is im-
portant to recognize that the reach of these efforts, in terms of companies, indus-
tries, and technology areas (and the share of firms within a given industry or
technology field) remains very limited, as does their claim on public and private
R&D resources overall (National Academy of Engineering, 1993; Shapira,1997~.
Representative terms from entire chapter:
law firms
