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IT. Introduction
THE CONTEXT FOR THIS REPORT
As the next millennium approaches, we are crossing the threshold into a
new era of rapid technological change. Whatever prior experience in hu-
man history one chooses to look at the introduction of widespread use of
the horse, iron, steam generation in the industrial revolution, or the internal
combustion engine there has been no period like the present. Biotechnol-
ogy is yielding, genetically altered foods, medicines, and animals. Micro-
electronics has placed watches on our wrists that contain hundred-year cal-
endars and cost less than the price of a hamburger; noninvasive surgery by
laser takes place in minutes; phenomenal computing power has been placed
in the hands of schoolchildren. Computers and fax machines enable homes
to be offices. The communication of information is increasingly possible
from any one human to any other, wherever located, with unparalleled ease.
The diffusion of many types of information can be, and often will be
instantaneous.
National governments have a very long history of direct involvement in
the development of high technology. Government has been a prominent
and, at times, the main driver of technological advance. The technology of
jet engines, telecommunications, computing, microelectronics, and in many
cases biological advances, each had its roots in a national program. With
the end of the Cold War, and the expansion of the market paradigm throughout
much of the world economy, leading-edge technological developments in
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2
CONFLICT AND COOPERATION
industry have shifted very heavily from public purposes toward satisfying
private sector demands for commercial applications. The relative impor-
tance of the role of the military as a driver of technology has diminished
si;,nificantly, though its needs remain of central policy concern.
In the last few decades, as democracy triumphed over communism, various
forms of market-driven economies triumphed over those economies that relied
on centralized state planning as the primary determinant of investment of
human and capital resources. Reinforced by budget restraints, many =,overn-
ments are retreating from the scope of their involvement in what have increas-
ingly become in many parts of the world~ommercial endeavors. For ex-
ample, chanting philosophy and disappointing performance push toward the
dissolution of telecommunications monopolies. Heavy subsidization of indus-
trial projects is being curbed in many developed countries, and gross distor-
tions of the market are on the decline. Trade measures at the border have
largely disappeared or are scheduled for sharp reductions.
Nevertheless' over the last several decades, intervention by governments
in the promotion of technology has increased, accentuating the commercial
competition among nations. Prior to this competition for hi:,h-technology
production, trade friction had been common in agriculture, textiles, and
steel, where heavy employment content gave a political stake to the sector
of production. In the recent past and in the near future, technology-based
industries are seen as involving the highest stakes in international competi-
tion for high-growth industries and the quality employment they provide
and promise. Information-based activity is becoming a vastly increased
portion of national economies. Change is very radical. Vulnerability to
change, seen by some to be increased by the openness of international
borders, is becoming a more prominent subject for policy debates, though
less frequently for careful analysis.
Past experience is not a reliable predictor of the future, but it will inform
judgments as policymakers consider the most appropriate international framework
of rules and processes under which governments will interact, how they will
deal with friction, and how they will consider cooperation in the develop-
ment of high-technology goods and services and in the resulting competi-
tion and trade. In the last fifteen years, a number of the most contentious
commercial disputes among nations have been in high-technology goods.
Most prominent were the Airbus dispute between the European Community
and the United States and the semiconductor dispute between Japan and the
United States. In each case, the government role in high-technology indus-
tries was a major source of serious friction. In each case, industrial target-
ing by governments attempted to alter commercial competition. There is
considerable evidence that this era is not wholly past. Government inter-
vention and government toleration of private organization of the market are
not likely to disappear. Government intervention by relatively new com
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INTRODUCTION
petitors, such as Korea, Taiwan, and China, is changing the global competi-
tive environment, as these countries rely on a blend of government invest-
ment and private initiative to alter the terms of international competition in
their favor.
Given the success many of these countries have experienced with effec-
tive state intervention, it is unlikely that the intellectual power of the free-
market philosophy and the constraints of the purse will prove sufficient to
avoid all areas of friction in the future. The efforts of governments to foster
their companies' participation in high-technology industries are unlikely to
disappear, and the new entrants may well make the competition in some
sectors more intense. Governments will remain concerned with the relative
standing of their industries because of concerns over economic advance
ment and employment. Technology-based industries and national power are
closely related. Steel performed this role for nearly a hundred years. In the
last decades of the twentieth century, this role is played by information
technologies. The absence of government involvement in high-technology
development, investment, and trade cannot, therefore, be presumed.
It is the purpose of this Report to identify the issues raised by competi-
tion in high-technology industries, to cite the underlying economic consid-
erations and the facts involved in some prior areas of cooperation and fric-
tion, and to begin the process of making recommendations as to an international
framework of principles and rules that governments should consider invok-
ing to effect cures where problems are likely to persist. The emphasis is on
current policies and practices, with reference to prior cases of cooperation
and friction. Although there is a growing theoretical basis for governments'
concern and for their support of high-technology industries, the analysis
here places less emphasis on underlying economic theory and more on the
practical steps that policymakers might take to achieve legitimate societal
goals while minimizing friction and engaging in cooperation with their ri-
vals, partners, and neighbors.
There are growing pressures for greater cooperation cost, technique,
technology, market access, and shared risk drive cooperation across na-
tional borders. Exploiting these opportunities fully will require new norms.
Wherever possible, the Report attempts also to assess the positive role of
government in the development of high technology and in exploring oppor-
tunities for greater cooperation and understanding and for avoiding friction.
THE STEERING COMMITTEE'S
RECOMMENDATIONS AND FINDINGS
The Steering Committee of the Project, coming from many of the major
nations involved ir1 both the development of high-technology goods and
services and trade in these goods and services, and having widely varying
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4
CONFLICT AND COOPE~TION
backgrounds in policy making, industry, research, and academic pursuits,
concluded that friction and cooperation in high-technology development
and trade will have important consequences for the community of nations,
and deserve special attention. Action and inaction by policymakers will
have important consequences for our citizens and for the global economy.
There will be continuing competition for new technologies and new indus-
try. In the appropriate international framework, global benefits can be
maximized and friction reduced.
The Steering Committee's recommendations and findings pose a chal-
lenge to national governments and to persons in industry and academia
having an interest in fostering the positive evolution of a multilateral trad-
ing system. Specifically, the framework should result in
.
Markets for high-technology goods that are open and contestable through
both trade and investment;
· Enhanced competition and cooperation across national borders;
· Government-supported research and development (R&D) for essential
government functions that avoids distortion of markets;
The formation of national and international consortia to reduce risks
and costs associated with new technologies and standards;
Increased openness of national programs to qualified foreign entities;
Effective protection of international property rights to encourage in
novation and commerce;
· The curbing of injurious subsidization;
· Elimination of distortions of international investment flows due to
restrictions or excessive incentives;
Elimination of other distortive government measures, such as tariffs,
discriminatory public procurement, offsets, and exclusionary standards
and certification requirements; and
· Prevention of the frustration, through private anticompetitive prac-
tices, of efforts to attain the above objectives.
.
The Steering Committee also called for a series of specific areas for
further research to provide a sound basis on which policy could be made.
The members of the Steering Committee shared a sense that through the
development of technology, the peoples of the world stand on a threshold of
unparalleled promise and opportunities. Most gatherings of those interested
in technology focus on the challenges and benefits of fostering a particular
technology. This project differed in that it directed its attention to attempt-
ing to learn from past examples of both international cooperation and fric-
tions, and to creating a global public policy environment that will make
more likely the realization of benefits from technology through interna-
tional cooperation and competition.
Alan Wm. Wolff
Project Co-Chairman