and the U.S. Indian population, but considerably lower on the reservations. Among the reservations, the rate of labor force participation ranges from 29.4 percent on the San Carlos reservation to 65.2 percent in the Zuni Pueblo.

The data from the U.S. census provide us with a "snapshot" of family life that allows us to determine whether children were living with two parents at the time the census was taken, although the data do not permit us to know how long the child has lived with these two parents.³ But differences across population subgroups on this criterion are good indicators of differences in exposure to single parenthood during childhood.

Table 9-2 shows the percentage of children under 18 residing with two parents. This number has been declining for the U.S. Indian population over the past two decades in a pattern similar to the well-known pattern for the general U.S. population. In 1990, just over one-half of American Indian children under 18 lived with two parents, compared with 70 percent of all U.S. children. Fewer than one-half of children on reservations were residing with two parents, while the percentages of children living with two parents in the Oklahoma TJSAs and the Alaska NVSAs were higher than for the national Indian population.

The ten largest reservations in 1990 varied considerably in the percentage of children who resided with two parents. Among the Navajo, approximately 57 percent of children under 18 lived with two parents in 1990, while on the Pine Ridge reservation, just over 35 percent did so. Yet the proportion of children under 18 who lived with two parents was lower on all of the reservations than it was among the U.S. population, and was less than 50 percent on many of the reservations.

Should we be concerned about the prevalence of single-parent families among American Indians? Certainly, the functioning of a child's family is an important factor in the chances that child will have in later life. As Zill and Nord (1994:1) point out, "Among the functions families are expected to fulfill are providing for the basic physical needs of their members, including food, clothing, and shelter; teaching children right from wrong, to respect the rights of others, and to value other social

Front matter (R1-R12)

1 Introduction (1-14)

I Overview of Demographic and Health Conditions (15-16)

2 The Size and Distribution of the American Indian Population: Fertility, Mortality, Residence, and Migration (17-52)

3 Recent Health Trends in the Native American Population (53-76)

II Indentification: Indications and Consequences (77-78)

4 The Growing American Indian Population, 1960-1990: Beyond Demography (79-102)

5 Tribal Membership Requirements and the Demography of (103-112)

6 Problems in Sampling the Native American and Alaska Native Populations (113-130)

III Social and Economic Conditions (131-132)

7 The Individual Economic Well-Being of Native American Men and Women During the 1980s: A Decade of Moving Backwards (133-171)

8 American Indian Poverty on Reservations, 1969-1989 (172-195)

9 The Demography of American Indian Families (196-217)

10 Demography of American Indian Elders: Social, Economic, and Health Status (218-232)

IV Health Issues and Health Care Access and Utilization (233-234)

11 Overview of Alcohol Abuse Epidemiology for American Indian Populations (235-261)

12 Diabetes Mellitus in Native Americans: The Problem and Its Implications (262-288)

13 Health Care Utilization, Expenditures, and Insurance Coverage for American Indians and Alaska Natives Eligible for the Indian Health Service (289-314)