tial significance as an immigration impact. The apparent demographic displacement of domestic migrants by immigrants at the low-skilled end of the spectrum implies that a more bifurcated race-class structure may emerge in areas of high immigration if this process persists. Moreover, if the mechanism for this displacement is a labor substitution, this may explain why many earlier studies, that do not take domestic migration into explicit account, show only modest or negligible impacts of immigration on a local area's unemployment rate or wage level (see review in Borjas, 1994).

In this chapter we review evidence for the 1985–1990 and 1990–1995 periods and relevant findings from our own and others' work to assess the impacts of immigration on internal redistribution patterns in the United States. Particular attention is given to the apparent demographic displacement of less-skilled domestic migrants by new immigrants in high-immigration areas where we estimate the nature of this displacement under assumed increases or decreases in current immigration levels. In the sections that follow we provide an overview of immigration and internal migration processes over the 1985–1995 period, review findings that document the nature of selective demographic displacement in metropolitan areas and states, and present findings from a model that estimates the impact of changing immigration levels on this displacement. In the concluding section we discuss some implications of these redistributional impacts of immigration.

The clustering of immigrants into areas that are not attractive destinations for domestic migrants can be illustrated by recent census statistics and estimates. Between 1985 and 1995, approximately two-thirds of all immigrant growth accrued to just ten metropolitan areas. These areas housed only 30 percent of the total U.S. 1995 population and an estimated 19 percent of the native-born non-Hispanic white population. Moreover, nine of the ten areas registered a net out-migration of internal migrants for at least some part of the 1985–1995 period. In the aggregate, these areas lost 4.5 million internal migrants, while they gained 5.3 million immigrants over the 10-year period (Frey, 1996).

The concentration of immigrants in a few familiar port-of-entry areas is consistent with the nation's immigration preference statutes that favor family reunification and with earlier research that indicates that kinship ties give rise to chain migration that links family members and friends to common destinations (Massey et al., 1994; Pedraza and Rumbaut, 1996). Yet post-1965 shifts in the origin countries of U.S. immigrants toward Latin America and Asia (Immigration

Front Matter (R1-R14)

1 Introduction (1-12)

2 An Economic Framework for Assessing the Fiscal Impacts of Immigration (13-65)

3 Fiscal Impacts of Immigrant and Native Households: A New Jersey Case Study (66-119)

4 The Fiscal Impacts of Immigrants: A California Case Study (120-182)

5 The Current Fiscal Impact of Immigrants and Their Descendants: Beyond the Immigrant Household (183-205)

6 Immigrants and Natives in General Equilibrium Trade Models (206-238)

7 Labor Market Outcomes of Female Immigrants in the United States (239-288)

8 Historical Background to Current Immigration Issues (289-366)

9 Immigration and Crime in the United States (367-387)

10 The Impact of Recent Immigration on Population Redistribution Within the United States (388-448)

Index (449-458)