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5
CURRENT TRENDS
It is obvious, but should nonetheless be emphasized, that broad economic and political trends in the United States affect mathematics research. This report cannot possibly address all the complex and controversial issues concerning, for example, optimal mechanisms for federal and industrial support of research, the proper role of research universities, and the pressures of international competition. Many reports on these topics have been produced during the last few years by COSEPUP, the Office of Science and Technology Policy, the National Science Board (NSB), the Industrial Research Institute, the Council on Competitiveness, and others.
With specific reference to mathematics, the US preeminence in mathematical research, described in section 3. has been attained in large part because of the factors listed in section 4. However, unemployment among recent PhDs has created tremendous stress on US mathematics during the 1990s. In this section, we identify a variety of current trends—positive and negative— that are affecting or are likely to affect the relative position of US mathematical research in scientific accomplishments and development of the knowledge base.
5.1. Vitality of the Mathematical Sciences
The panel wishes to emphasize that US mathematical research is thriving in both quality and opportunities. Many new subfields of mathematics have been developed, and some major long-standing problems have been solved, thereby opening new avenues for solving other problems (as did Wiles's proof of Fermat's last theorem). New methods of solution have been introduced, new connections between different fields have been discovered, and new ways to apply mathematics in science and engineering have been found. Computing has transformed, and will continue to transform, all subfields of mathematics. Mathematicians worldwide express a similar level of enthusiasm for their field.
5.2. Interdisciplinary Research
Although most people agree that interdisciplinary science should be encouraged, there is no universally accepted strategy for doing so. The relative effectiveness of different approaches will be understood only after more experience is gained. In the meantime, US research mathematicians are continuing to play active—in many instances, leading —roles in interdisciplinary research. To name just one topic of current interest, mathematical research will be crucial in making sense of massive data sets (NRC 1996c), particularly when data-gathering happens adaptively in real time; lack of progress in this arena is a recognized impediment to progress in biology, medicine, astronomy, physics, and geosciences.
US universities and federal funding agencies are trying to create programs that encourage
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mathematicians in all subfields to create links with other disciplines. In times of tight budgets, however, it is difficult to justify moving money away from already-squeezed disciplinary research programs that have consistently produced outstanding results. Anecdotal evidence suggests that interdisciplinary programs, especially those perceived as “risky,” are struggling to adapt within existing structures.
The United States is not alone in attempting to devise policies that support interdisciplinary science and engineering despite budget pressures. The European Union and other Europe-wide programs explicitly seek to improve scientific cooperation among the countries of the region. To prepare scientists for international work, increasing mobility of faculty and students is being encouraged. Thus, the mobility of scientists in Europe might soon rival that of scientists in the United States, previously one of the strongest qualities of the US research enterprise (see section 4.1).
Individual European countries are spending considerable sums to support interdisciplinary research. For example, the German government has begun experimental programs to increase interdisciplinary training and prepare scientists for nonacademic employment (NSF 1996c, p. 28). In France, megaprojects “grands programmes” with multiyear funding have been financed by the government in fields of scientific priority, and the National Committee for Scientific Research is vigorously supporting collaborative projects in materials science, nanotechnology, and the environment (NSF 1996c, p. 36).
5.3. Employment Prospects for New PhDs
5.3.1. Academic Jobs
Many US universities have experienced severe financial crises during the 1990s for a variety of reasons, such as the general “downsizing ” trend in the US economy and lower-than-expected undergraduate enrollments. The consequent unfavorable job market for recent PhDs in science has been discussed in detail in several reports (for example, NSF 1996b, COSEPUP 1995), but no consensus has emerged about ways to solve or even alleviate the unemployment and underemployment of PhDs.
These developments have, not surprisingly, affected mathematics, inasmuch as higher education is the largest US sector that employs mathematics PhDs. (In 1993, jobs in universities and 4-year colleges accounted for 65.2% of all employed US doctoral recipients in the mathematical sciences, followed by 24.8% in private industry and 4.5% in government) (NSF 1996c, table 20). Figure 2 depicts the unemployment rate among new PhDs in mathematics from 1989 to 1995.
The most-prominent reason for the sudden worsening of the job market in 1990 is obvious: an oversupply of new PhDs relative to the availability of tenure-track positions in colleges and universities. The number of PhDs produced by US mathematics departments began to increase in the middle 1980s, rose during the early 1990s, and has shown signs of instability recently, as shown in figure 3 (see section 5.5).
During the same period, the number of academic positions open to new PhDs in mathematics has been shrinking. From 1989 to 1994, the number of positions offered in US mathematics departments to new PhDs fell by 33%; from 1995 to 1996, there was a 6% drop in the number of new PhDs employed by US academic institutions (Davis 1997). During 1994-1995, there were 240 tenure-track positions for new doctoral recipients in US doctorate-granting departments in the mathematical sciences and 184 non-tenure-track positions.
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Figure 2: Percentage unemployment among new US PhDs in mathematics, autumn of year shown
Source: AMS 1996.
Figure 3: Number of PhDs produced by US mathematics departments, spring of year shown
Source: AMS 1997c.
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Beyond the diminishing number of academic jobs for new PhDs lies a phenomenon that seems particularly prevalent in US mathematics: a growth in nonpermanent positions. In 1994-95, temporary positions accounted for 50% of the openings for new PhDs in doctorate-granting departments of mathematics. In the autumn of 1996, 64% of the 256 new PhDs who found jobs in academic institutions were in non-tenure-track positions; of those employed in doctorate-granting departments, 84.2% were in non-tenure-track jobs. Overall, the number of full-time US faculty not eligible for tenure rose by 29% from 1991 to 1995.
The existence of an underclass of PhDs who continue to work from year to year at low wages in nonpermanent jobs has led to frustration among recent PhDs (Davis 1997). There has been some recent growth in the number of postdoctoral positions, alleviating unemployment and at the same time providing much further training for fresh PhDs. The law abolishing retirement at a fixed age, which recently began affecting those in academic positions, might further diminish the number of job openings. Most other countries have a fixed retirement age. The pressure on the concept of tenure is likely to increase. Data on the employment situation in other countries are unavailable, but anecdotal information indicates that the problems experienced here in the academic job market are also occurring in other countries.
5.3.2 Industrial Jobs
The industrial employment market presents a mixed picture. As shown in figure 4, industrial employment of mathematicians has been increasing. But general trends in industrial research indicate a decrease in spending. Since 1988, industrial spending on research and development in the United States has not increased substantially in constant dollars. In addition, less and less is spent on longer-term research; basic research constituted 6% of industrial expenditures for research and development in 1988 and 2% in 1993 (Council on Competitiveness 1996). Industry's expenditures on basic research declined at an annual average constant-dollar rate of 4.6% from 1991 to 1995 (NSB 1996). In contrast, it is interesting to note, mathematics is expected to grow at both AT&T and Bell Laboratories.
The industrial-research funding picture is more optimistic outside the United States. Many European governments are actively encouraging nondefense industrial research and development; details about these trends can be found in a recent NSF report (1996c). The United States has trailed, for some time, Germany and Japan in civilian research and development as a percentage of GDP; industrial R&D expenditures have been relatively flat in the United States while growing in competitor countries (Council on Competitiveness 1996).
5.4. Foreign Graduate Students
The overall implications of foreign graduate students for US science are discussed in several recent reports, for example, by COSEPUP (1995). Detailed recent data are given by NSB (1996).
During the 1990s, mathematics has been one of the scientific fields most affected by growth in the number and proportion of US PhDs received by non-US students. As
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Figure 4: Employment status of PhD mathematicians in the US.
Source: Analysis conducted by the National Research Council Office of Scientific and Engineering Personnel for this study.
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shows, the number of non-US PhD recipients increased by 78% from 1985 to 1995. Furthermore, in every year since 1990, foreign students have received more than half the PhDs awarded in mathematics in the United States.
That phenomenon occurs elsewhere, and high proportions of foreign students in the sciences are relatively common in other industrialized countries, especially those with former colonial ties. The percentages of foreign natural-science doctoral students in several countries are depicted in figure 6. The large increase shown for Japan is due to Japan's strategy to attract and train foreign students.
A closely related issue is the number of foreign-born PhD recipients who remain permanently in the United States. The panel found no data on how many foreign students receiving mathematics PhDs intend to remain in the United States after receiving their degrees. However, the overall picture of “stay rates” for foreign students in all science and engineering fields, as shown in figure 7, suggests that such intentions are widespread and confirms the attractiveness of the United States to foreign talent mentioned in section 4.1.
To explore the question further, the panel conducted its own informal survey of 10 highly rated US mathematics departments. Of 397 tenured faculty, 21% received their undergraduate degree outside the United States; for 107 tenure-track faculty, this statistic was 58%. Thus, the number of faculty in US mathematics departments with undergraduate degrees from outside the United States can be expected to increase.
Stay rates in other countries were found only for France, where 56% of non-French people who received mathematics PhDs in 1992 remained in France (NSF 1996c).
5.5. Graduate Education
As discussed in section 5.3.1, the number of PhDs produced by US universities grew substantially from the middle 1980s through the 1990s. However, the trend has recently changed as doctorate-granting institutions have begun to reduce the size of their graduate programs. In particular, in the autumn of 1996, the projected size of the new class of PhD students in mathematics at US universities was 2,384 compared with 2,546 in the autumn of 1994. Figure 8 shows the total population of full-time doctoral students in mathematics for 1980, 1985, and the 1990s. Since a high in 1992, the number of full-time PhD students in mathematics has steadily decreased.
An online NSF data brief of February 1997 (NSF 1997a) reveals that, among all US doctoral students in the sciences, the largest percentage from 1994 to 1995 occurred in the mathematical sciences and physics, each of which experienced a 6% reduction.
The decreases in applications by both US and non-US students are dramatic, although it is unknown whether they signal the beginning of a trend. Interest in obtaining a PhD in mathematics appears to have been affected by the employment prospects described in section 5.3 for both US and non-US students. A very recent set of data (AMS 1997a, b) collected in mid-1996 shows that there has been a uniform drop in applications to mathematics graduate schools from 1994. Table 1 shows data on the 48 top-ranked mathematics departments and on all doctoral programs in mathematics. Other reasons for the decline might be competition from computer science, biologic science, and medicine and poor preparation in high school and college.
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Figure 5: Doctoral recipients: total number and US and non-US citizens
Source: AMS 1996.
Figure 6: Percentage of foreign natural-science doctoral students in various countries.
Source: NSB 1996, appendix table 2-33.
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Figure 7: Stay rates-percentages of foreign doctoral students who plan to remain in the United States, averaged over 1988-1992
Source: NSB 1996, table 2-15.
Figure 8: Total full-time PhD students in mathematical sciences
Source: NSF 1995.
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Table 1: Decrease in applications to PhD programs in mathematics, 1994 to 1996
Top-Ranked Departments
All Departments
Total pool, 1996
7,366
16,516
Total pool, 1994
10,320
23,545
Percentage Decrease, 1994 to 1996
29%
30%
US pool, 1996
3,108
6,291
US pool, 1994
4,769
9,270
Percentage decrease, 1994 to 1996
35%
32%
International pool, 1996
4,295
10,387
International pool, 1994
5,498
14,537
Percentage decrease, 1994 to 1996
22%
29%
Source: AMS 1997a, pp. 213-216.
Note: The total pool may not equal the sum of the US pool and the international pool. Since some departments were unable to provide numbers of applications broken out by citizenship or visa status, the projections may be based on slightly different sets of respondents. Top-ranked departments are those offering the PhD and which have high "scholarly quality of program faculty" as reported in the 1995 National Research Council report Research-Doctorate Programs in the United States: Continuity and Change (NRC 1995d). There are 48 top-ranked departments.
Another issue is the degree to which women and members of minority groups are pursuing graduate degrees in mathematics. From 1983 to 1993, the percentage of new PhDs who were women grew from 16.1% to 23%; this is slightly greater than the percentage for all the physical sciences and computer science. The percentage of minority-group members receiving mathematics PhDs is much smaller. For example, only 8 of some 583 mathematics PhDs awarded to Americans went to blacks in 1993, and this number has remained roughly constant over the last decade. The situation for Hispanic Americans is a bit different: 16 received degrees (NSF 1996b).
No data were found on the size of graduate mathematics programs in other countries.
5.6. Support
In section 4.4. we stated that an important underpinning for US success in mathematical research has been sustained support and funding. Before choosing to obtain a PhD in mathematics, the most-talented people are likely to consider not simply their expected salary, but also their likelihood of receiving support for the time and resources needed to carry out their research.
Figure 9 compares the 1993 median salaries of US PhDs who received their degrees in 1985-1990 in mathematics, computer science, chemistry, physics/astronomy, and electrical engineering. One might reasonably conclude that mathematics PhDs have less-favorable salary
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prospects than other science PhDs. We have no comparable data for other countries.
It is difficult to make international comparisons with respect to salaries and federal support because university researchers in other countries do not typically receive summer salary support from individual government grants. In the UK and Canada, for example, academic salaries are paid entirely by universities.
As to federal research support, figure 10 shows that a lower percentage of academic mathematicians received US federal support in 1993 than any other category of doctoral scientists except social scientists.
Finally, the mathematical sciences have not fared well, compared with other sciences, in overall federal support in recent years (see figure 11). For example, in 1994-1995, overall federal support for academic research and development grew by 5%, but support for the mathematical sciences dropped relative to that for other sciences. Mathematics had the lowest rate of growth (1%) in federal funding for research and was the only science whose support grew at a rate lower than that of inflation, which was 1.8% (NSF 1997b).
The details of the picture vary by agency. On the basis of current dollars in the actual FY1996 and estimated FY1997 budgets, the Division of Mathematical Sciences at the National Science Foundation experienced growth of 7.1% overall Department of Defense spending on mathematical sciences decreased by 12.3% and overall Department of Energy spending on mathematical sciences remained flat.
Figure 9: Median salaries in 1993 of US PhDs who received their degrees in 1985-1990, by field
Source: NSF 1996a, appendix table 5-27.
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Figure 10: Percentages of academic scientists with federal support, 1993
Source: NSB 1996, appendix table 5-27.
Figure 11: Percentage increase in federal R&D expenditures at universities and colleges, by field
Source: NSF 1997b, table 1 and discussions with NSF staff.
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Representative terms from entire chapter:
mathematics phds