are more likely to drive to work alone during peak travel periods (Rosenbloom and Burns 1994). Working parents of small children, regardless of job classification, typically are less able than other workers to adjust their schedules to avoid traffic congestion (Giuliano, Vol. 2). Lower-income working single parents, usually women, who rely on automobiles to get to work may be among those most directly affected. Despite the increased out-of-pocket expense, some working parents may appreciate the benefit of saving a few minutes in a hectic morning of getting children to daycare and trying to arrive at work on time, even if this cost does represent a larger share of their income. For those with no money to spare and little choice as to the mode or time of travel, however, congestion pricing could represent a substantial hardship.

Commuters with long trips to their jobs may not have many other options (aside from changing jobs) than to drive alone. Such individuals are likely to be net losers, even after the revenues have been reallocated (Giuliano, Vol. 2). (Chapter 4 contains discussions of how the revenues might be distributed to compensate groups adversely affected by congestion pricing and how the political feasibility of this concept could depend upon the vigor with which adversely affected individuals and groups might oppose it.)

A complete accounting of the potential winners and losers with congestion pricing also requires an assessment of how those who do not use automobiles could be affected (Gomez-Ibanez 1992). Current transit riders, among whom lower-income groups are more heavily represented, might experience more crowding if a significant proportion of road users shifts to public transportation. However, it is also plausible that the improvements in traffic flow, combined with increased revenues to transit agencies and followed by improved transit services, would result in net gains for transit users and transit agencies (Kain, Vol. 2). Research on the potential effects of congestion pricing on transit services and the benefits of improved services to lower-income users is of high priority. (This research need is discussed in Chapter 5.)

Estimates of the benefits of congestion pricing suggest that average speeds on arterial routes in Southern California could be improved by 8 to 16 km/hr (5 to 10 mph) and could be maintained at about 48 to 72 km/hr (30 to 45 mph). Although these changes appear small, they would make a