tional Institute on Early Childhood Development and Education in the U.S. Department of Education, the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the W.T. Grant Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, and the California Wellness Foundation. In developing the research for this book, the chapter authors met three times as a group, first to elaborate a guiding conceptual framework and outline complementary analyses, next to review and comment on first drafts of all papers, and then (with the parent committee) to develop plans for extending and refining the analyses presented in second drafts. David L. Featherman, director of the Institute for Social Research at the University of Michigan, was especially helpful in providing both access to the institute's resources and intellectual guidance during the first meeting of the group.
To answer key scientific questions regarding the relationships linking immigration to the health and well-being of children (ages 0 to 17), chapter authors were asked to distinguish children, insofar as possible, along three major dimensions. First, to assess the extent and nature of assimilation that occurs from one generation to the next, children were identified as being first-generation (foreign-born), second-generation (native-born with at least one foreign-born parent), or third-generation (native-born with native-born parents) offspring (but see individual chapters for the precise approach used in each). Second, because countries around the world differ enormously in social, economic, and cultural conditions, children were identified according to their specific countries of origin. Third, because life chances differ greatly according to race and ethnicity in the United States, and because the racial and ethnic composition of immigrants to this country has shifted markedly during recent decades toward a larger representation of Hispanic and nonwhite minorities, the studies herein compare the situations of children in immigrant families (first or second generations) to those in native-born families (third and later generations) who are white, black, Hispanic, Asian, or American Indian.
Among the best-documented relationships in epidemiology and child development are that children and youth are at risk of negative health, developmental, and educational outcomes if their family incomes are below the poverty threshold, their parents have low educational attainments, only one parent or many sib-