Democratization in Africa African Views, African Voices (1992) / Chapter Skim
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Transitions to Democracy in Africa
Transitions to Democracy in Africa
Pages 12-30
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From page 12... ...
Some wondered if the new demands being placed on African nations by international donor institutions as well as heightened individual expectations for better lives could be met by the nascent democracies. Participants indicated that, although contemporary authoritarian regimes in Africa have taken a number of forms, they fall within the general models of one-party systems, personal dictatorships, and military regimes.
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From page 13... ...
There was clear agreement that, whatever the form, one-party states and other forms of dictatorships suppressed both competition and participation, undermining the potential for a healthy civil society and the necessary institutions for democracy. Participants recognized that in many African countries the institutions of civil society and democratic government are weaker today than they were in the immediate postindependence period, making the transition to democracy a daunting challenge.
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From page 14... ...
Transitions from above occur when functioning rulers respond to an impending or actual crisis by initiating democratic reforms. Transitions from below occur when there are mounting popular pressures from the people resulting in national conferences, popular revolutions, coupe d'etat, or pact formations, all with the goal of moving toward a more democratic society.
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From page 15... ...
Some participants in the Benin workshop noted that because the surprise effect of national conferences had vanished, it is unlikely that entrenched rulers would permit future national conferences to be held. The common threads among successful national conferences were identified: the persistence of a crisis and agreement that it ought not continue; a prior change in government or government's explicit recognition that it must engage in dialogue; the recognition that all significant groups, including elites, participate, although no elections are held to determine those participants; and independent sponsorship.
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From page 16... ...
In the Ethiopia workshop, one participant indicated that rulers have tended to encourage personality cults by having their portraits prominently and extensively displayed, assuming folk titles, and encouraging the use of slogans: "The idea of the president as the father of the nation, the big man, or being above the law is the prevailing political culture in Africa." Because of the high level of illiteracy in Africa, many politicians resort to such symbols in order to express their views to the masses. Another participant illustrated how this practice had manipulated the electorate: "During presidential campaigns in some rural areas in Benin, the people asked why they have to elect a new president when the old one is still alive." The issue of exploitation was further advanced by another participant, who stated: "In a country where there is 60-70 percent illiteracy, the campaign speeches by politicians, when translated to local languages, often are violations of conscience, because they provide only threads of information while deviously attacking the opposition party." In the transition to democracy, then, "the challenge is to break down the idea of the president being above the law and to stop looking at the other person who thinks differently as one's enemy."
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From page 17... ...
It is important for the consolidation of democracy that losers believe in the system and think that they can get back into the game." They further suggested that the uncertainty of democracy through the ballot box win today, lose tomorrow—had to be understood and accepted by any society in its transition to democracy. In the Namibia workshop, one participant described how former President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, after the election, went to the radio station to broadcast his resignation, and then personally removed the presidential flag from his car.
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From page 18... ...
Participants argued that the presence of foldable military forces in newly democratic or democratizing countries poses an ever-present temptation for intervention: "All issues become much more difficult to manage when some actors have access to force. The real issue we face, then, is violence, as potentially exercised by the military." A1though much discussion focused on the military, participants did not agree on how best to confront the military threat in African politics.
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From page 19... ...
Participants identified two possible outcomes when leaders of ethnically diverse countries fail to address ethnicity during the transition period. First, a continued suppression of ethnic identities might lead to the emergence of open conflict, in which groups demand equal treatment and equal access to development.
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From page 20... ...
Some suggested that the democratic wave has not adequately addressed the expectations of women, especially rural women at the grass roots level. They indicated that women were not consulted in the governance or transition process, despite their constituting the majority of the labor force.
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From page 21... ...
It is critical for this role to be understood during the transition process, when women must have opportunities to have their own voices heard. PRECONDITIONS FOR DEMOCRACY One significant ingredient of democratic transitions identified in the meetings was the creation of an enabling environment, which would permit citizens to live in accordance with their beliefs and rights without obstruction from government.
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From page 22... ...
The job should not be left to government, but government should allow the society room to operate." Regardless of whether societal organizations or the state assumes the responsibility for creating or facilitating an enabling environment, participants identified certain prerequisites for an enabling environment, which include a legal order based on human rights, societal awareness of the instrumental and intrinsic values of democracy, a competent state, a committed minority, courage, and a culture of tolerance. Legal Order and Basic Rights In many precolonial African countries, despotism was the rule, and societies in which basic rights could be asserted before the seventeenth century were few and far between.
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From page 23... ...
Inasmuch as the fundamental rights and freedoms written into African constitutions were modeled after the Universal Declaration, participants said that the international standards of human rights applied to all, whether or not a particular country had ratified additional human rights instruments. Such discussion also turned to questions concerning the protection and enforcement of individual rights, wherein civic education and legal aid were proposed as means of encouraging people to know and defend their rights.
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From page 24... ...
Yet, in order to help the transition process along, participants argued that society as a whole needs to be aware of the instrumental and intrinsic values of democracy. In most African countries, participants recognized that a tremendous amount of information does not circulate beyond a small portion of the urban population, owing to illiteracy, language barriers, and costs.
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From page 25... ...
In the three workshops, the need for an alternative view of the state was identified a state capable of assisting in the transition from authoritarian rule to democracy. Citing the government's breakdown of authority, lack of legitimacy, and unwillingness to bargain, a number of participants described African states as "lame leviathans." Similarly, another participant indicated that the problem was that African governments are not governing and, in their present makeup, do not have the capacity to do so: "The repressive nature of the African state, which is suspended over society without effective linkages to the community it is supposed to govern, reveals its weak character." One participant further argued that "the weakness of African states has been exposed by the fact that they are addicted to foreign aid.
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From page 26... ...
In the workshop discussions, it was suggested that the opening up of political space for civil society was crucial to the success of democratization. One consequence of civil institutions operating in an underground mode is that few of them are broadly inclusive of diverse elements in the community, and so they are generally unable to bridge ethnic, linguistic, or other divisions in the community.
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From page 27... ...
In order to build an animated civil society, participants advocated recapturing the population that has distanced itself from authoritarian power. In southern Africa, for example, civil society has been exposed, restricted by law, or formed in secret, but it has maintained a role in articulating public values, while resisting state control.
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From page 28... ...
One participant proposed that an active citizenry together with nongovernmental organization, which play a role independent of government or political parties, could take center stage in public life: "The public must fully participate in the affairs of state, with the state protecting their rights to be recognized. In this context, the value of the role of citizens and civil society is to organize and articulate the interests of local communities and the grass roots to the highest levels even bringing about the change of laws by serving as effective pressure groups." Another observation was that "where democracy has taken root, there have been associations and groupings.
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From page 29... ...
Some participants argued that a middle class might be a prerequisite for democracy. This suggestion was qualified by others, who pointed out that "it is not the middle class, as such, that promotes liberal democracy, but a section of the middle class that is committed to democracy." According to them, a sizable minority of supporters in the middle class might be necessary for the emergence of liberal democracy.
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From page 30... ...
Moreover, government can't cope when people do this." It also was suggested by one participant that, "although citizens in African countries have not acted in concert in pushing for democracy, people were not to underestimate the powers of citizenry, who should seek academics' advice to help with strategy." In conclusion, it is important to qualify that, although the nature of the transition to democracy varies from country to country, there have been common sociological, political, and economic constraints on developing democratic societies throughout Africa. Some of these constraints include inefficient bureaucracies, fragile institutions, economies in serious trouble, and an undemocratic political culture wherein people live in fear with little trust or pride in government.
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