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16 Occupational Desegration in CETA Programs
Pages 292-307

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From page 292...
... As we know, substantially more female than male occupations pay povertylevel wages (Sawhill, 19761. Persistent occupational segregation parallels the persistent male-female wage differential, and differences in male and female occupational distributions account for over a quarter of 292 the wage differential (Chiswick et al., 19741.
From page 293...
... The fourth documents CETA's occupational desegregation record for white, black, and Hispanic women; and the final section shows the wage consequences of women's occupational distributions in CETA. DESCRIPTION OF CETA TITLES AND ELIGIBILITY REQUIREMENTS For reasons of simplicity and of data restrictions, we deal only with CETA Titles I, II, and VI.2 The major services available under these titles were basic skills, job training, and jobs, although, as we describe later, not all services are available in all titles.
From page 294...
... The CLMS also obtains information on the enrollee's attitudes toward manpower programs and services received, what service and occupation the enrollee wanted from CETA, his or her trade or vocational training before entering CETA, veteran status, marital status, number of dependents, family composition, receipt of government transfer payments (food stamps, subsidized housing, AFDC, Supplemental Security Income, unemployment benefits, and other public assistance) , the enrollee's employment/schooling history in the previous year, wages or salary in the last year, and personal and family income by source.
From page 295...
... a CETA service or activity- basic education, job training in a classroom setting, on-thejob training, work experience, and public service employment; (3) an occupation for those in jobs or job training; and (4)
From page 296...
... Relative to the distributions for the other services, cIassroom training has the highest percentage of clerical openings; on-thejob training, the highest percentages of crafts and operatives options; work experience, the highest percentage of service jobs; and public service employment, the highest percentages of professional/technical and laborer jobs. TABLE 16-1 CETA's FY 1976-FY 1979 Occupational Structure by CETA Activity (percent)
From page 297...
... As noted, Title I consists of several CETA services: basic education in a classroom, job training in a classroom setting, OlT, work experience, and a small number of PSE jobs. Again, multivariate analyses showed that race and ethnicity had no or only trivial effects on assignment to CETA services.
From page 298...
... WAITE AND SUE E BERRYMAN can use our multivariate results for the effects of race and ethnicity on CETA title, CETA service, occupational status, and CETA wages to draw tentative inferences about these effects on occupational segregation in CETA by race and ethnicity.
From page 299...
... Table 16-4 shows the distribution of CETA jobholders among male, female, and mixed CETA jobs by sex and race. For FY 1976 to FY 1978, although only about 10 percent of the women in CETA jobs (work experience or PSE jobs)
From page 300...
... CETA's occupational desegregation record in job training may be a better test of its desegregation success than is its record for jobholders. Since clients in job training presumably lack human capital in any specific occupation, CETA's occupational assignments should be less constrained by clients' prior occupational investments.
From page 301...
... Of those who moved out of female-dominated pre-CETA jobs, more than two-thirds entered mixed CETA jobs. CETA retained less than 40 percent of adult females whose pre-CETA job was in a male-dominated occupation in their preCETA occupational type and placed more than 40 percent in female occupations.
From page 302...
... Relative to their representation in the particular CETA service, females in on-thejob training were much more likely to be assigned to femaledominated occupations than were females in classroom training. OIT's better occupational desegregation record was attributable to the small number of female occupational slots in that activity.
From page 303...
... In-CETA Wages We assess sex differences in the CETA wage implications of female CETA occupational assignments in three ways: by 1digit census occupational codes, the CETA service, and the sex-typicality of the occupation. Table 16-8 shows the real average hourly CETA wage by sex for the 1-digit census occupational codes.
From page 304...
... Second, however we categorize CETA occupations, participants in the same CETA activity or CETA occupation were probably more homogeneous even on unmeasured characteristics that affect wages than were members of an occupation in the general labor force. Post-CETA Wages We do not know the relationship between the occupation of the CETA job or job training and that of participants' post-CETA jobs.
From page 305...
... If the labor market counterparts of their CETA occupations have low wages and CETA clients obtain a post-CETA job in the same occupation as their CETA occupation, their wages will be low. Table 16-11 shows how CETA males and females distributed across the 1-digit census occupational codes by CETA service (training and jobs)
From page 306...
... However, CETA wages were consistently lower for women than for men in the same census occupation, in the same CETA service, or in the same sex-composition category. Of those in CETA jobs, CETA employed 80 percent of the women and 67 percent of the men in the four occupations whose unsubsidized counterparts had the lowest wages and/or high unemployment rates.
From page 307...
... Structural changes in the American economy- and the occupational consequences of these changes imply that we need to re-examine what occupations sex-typical or atypical—best equip CETA participants for economic self-sufficiency. The avowed purpose of job programs, including CETA, is to improve the prospects of those who lack the skills to obtain acceptable employment on their own.


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