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Appendix: The NIHR Contexts
Pages 209-234

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From page 209...
... . From the nineteenth century onward, Parnaiba was the main commercial entrepot for imports and exports in a pr imaryexporting economy (initially based on meat, and later on extractive products)
From page 210...
... Half the value of age Cultural and 1 ivestoclc-breeding activities is attr ibutable to f arming and character istically commercial activities, just under one-th~rd to animal husbandry, and 12 percent to products of plant ex traction . Cultivated areas are small on average, with four basic products ( r ice, beans, cassava, and corn)
From page 211...
... The 1910 Industrial Census reported Me existence of 114 industrial establishments, which absorbed 589 persons. If this number is subtracted from the total of 3, 237 persons habitually occupied in manufacturing activities according to the Demographic Census, that leaves 2,648 persons involved in occasional or irregular activities.
From page 212...
... As regards local subsistence products, contrary to what might be expected of an economy based on small autonomous production, direct exchange does not predominate, but a multiple circuit based on buying and selling operations. As regards consumer products imported from other regions, the situation is more complex: although there are some wholesale firms, most of the large retail establishments seem to prefer to purchase their goods directly from larger markets, and to this end have representatives in or send buyers to Fortaleza, Rio, and Sao Paulo.
From page 213...
... Settlement began in the early 1700s as a result of the hunt for gold in the Castelo mines and the setting up of the first sugar mills along the banks of the River Itapemirim; however, it was not until the middle of the nineteenth century that the expansion of the coffee trade in the states of Mines and Rio generated a definitive settlement of the Espirito Santo tablelands, where Cachoeiro de Itapemirim lies. This period was also decisive in reinforcing the strategic position occupied by Cachoeiro de Itapemirim since its foundation as a polarizing center for both the economic activities and communications in the south of the state.
From page 214...
... 214 ·e to 1 to c)
From page 215...
... Its urban population, however, has been constantly growing: in 1970, it reached 64, 219, or 59.9 percent of the total, thus overtaking the rural population in relative terms. This growth in Cachoeiro's urban population is certainly due mainly to the influx of migrants attracted deco the town as the center of economic activities in the entire southern region of the state.
From page 216...
... There has been intense civil construction work over the last 10 years, above all in the building of new housing estates throughout the town's outskirts. Industrial Census data show a degree of stabilization in Cachoeiro's industrial sector between 1940 and 1960; from then up to 1970, there was a substantial growth both in the number of establishments and employees, and in the value of manufacturing operations.
From page 218...
... Like the other towns in the Vale do Paraiba region, until the early years of the present century, Sao Jose had an economy based on coffee planting. Unlike the other towns, however, it did not slump where the coffee axis shifted to the western part of Sao Paulo state; rather it developed by replacing coffee partly with semisubsistence activities and partly with livestock and dairy cattle breeding.
From page 219...
... There has been a rapid decrease in the economically active population in the primary sector; in 1940, it represented 60.86 percent of the labor force, and by 1973, it had been reduced to 2 percent. At the same time, there was an increase in the secondary sector, which by 1973 comprised 51 percent of the labor force; the remaining 47 percent was distributed among the commercial and service sector (2405 percent)
From page 220...
... There was also a strong average differentiation among wages within the various industries for both white and blue collar workers. Those industries with the highest pay for blue collar workers were chemicals and transportation materials; together, those industries absorbed 37 percent of occupied blue collar workers in Sao Jose, and thus forced the average wage upward.
From page 222...
... Production mainly served the producer ' s own needs or those of local co~erce, as well as trade with Belem; the main products were rice, corn, beans, cassava, cotton, tobacco, sugarcane, and coffee. Livestock breeding was also carried on, mainly of cattle, horses, and pigae During the years from 1960 to 1977, the economy and society of Conceicso do Araguaia changed more rapidly, which in turn brought about changes in all social relations and activities.
From page 223...
... This peasantry, whose economy originally consisted of family labor and was at a very low technological level, and who produced mainly for their own consumption, began to produce for selling on the urban market, where the demand for agricultural and extractive products was constantly rising. Together with this growing articulation between the peasant economy and the market, Me peasant was increasingly dependent on a supply of merchandise (both essential and superfluous} generated by industris1 capital.
From page 224...
... , and other federal and state government agencies to protect the formation and expansion of medium and large agricultural enterpr ises . In short, the process underway in Conceicso do Araguaia-~one which helps to clarify the social and economic relations in the municipality -- is private appropriation of the land under the control of big capital, with the political and economic protection of the state.
From page 225...
... In 1968, it accounted for 90 percent of the value of agricultural production. This result was repeated in 1970, but increased in 1974, when the figure was 9206 percent; there were then five sugar mills producing for the regional and foreign markets, in accordance with policies coordinated by the IAA (Sugar and- Alcohol Institute)
From page 226...
... According to INCRA, in 1972 only 11 rural props erties were being worked by sharecroppers, 21 In number, only 10 of whom had a written contract. With this modif ication in production relations in the countryside, the sugar industry has indirectly imparted new energy to the town, to which a significant part of the rural population has migrated.
From page 227...
... The economy of Santa Cruz was based from the start on family agricultural production for export. Its main product was tobacco, but there were also lard, Paraguay tea, beans, and corn e Together with these activities, this development of an export trade in agricultural products led to an accumulation of capital, which in turn facilitated the installation of production units along capitalist lines .
From page 229...
... Here, properties are relatively larger, the ground is. less even, and livestock breeding thus predominates, along with Paraguay tea extraction.
From page 230...
... The processing plants are directly linked to the planters; they render technical assistance, supplying fertilizers and insecticides, and f inance the construction of curing barns. Thus, the planters are distinctly dependent an these processing firms: although there is no formal contract, any planter who fails to sell his production to the f irm that f inanced him will stand little chance of receiving financial aid in the future.
From page 231...
... , a share that was permanently threatened by the pressure of big capital. A summary of the main demographic indicators for Santa Cruz do Sul for the period 1940-70 z~ presented in Table A.5.
From page 232...
... The primary objective of this agency was to resolve these problems by revitalizing industry, creating jobs, and diversifying production. The appearance of SUDENE marked a new era in the life of the town of Recife, primarily because of the new dynamics of urban employment resulting from the industrial projects implemented in the Northeast through tax incentives.
From page 233...
... If the various census data are combined with the f indings of anthropological investigations carried out in Greater Recife, the most salient recent feature of the occupational structure in Recife's metropolitan area that emerges is intense fluctuation in the labor force between employment, unemployment, odd jobs, and various kinds of underemployment. Attention must also be paid-to the increasing importance of the so-called informal sector in the economy as a whole, particularly during the post-SUDENE period; one example would be small commercial establishments, whose initial capital often depend-.


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